Journal articles: 'New York (N.Y.). Housing and Development Administration' – Grafiati (2024)

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The Edendale N Wirewall case is instructive for land tenure administration, project management and group tenure schemes in post-conflict land tenure administration and housing project management. The Greater Edendale Area experienced major localised conflict in the lead up to the end of apartheid. The Edendale N Wirewall project is a problematic state subsidised housing project. Innovations in development techniques and land tenure models are necessary in times of far reaching change. However, innovations should be justified by robust empirical evidence if failure might have a significant impact on the intended beneficiaries. Corruption, maladministration, patronage and inefficiencies can be expected in post-conflict land administration and project governance as new politicians come into power, the state is fragile and personnel changes and power shifts occur in the civil service. Fixing major problems in housing projects arising out of poor project management and poor project governance can result in costly remedial action and tenure insecurity in the decades following project completion. If the situation allows it, external expert checks on land administration operations management and far more frequent and independent project audits, on-site inspections and audit surveys may mitigate some of these challenges.

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This study assessed changes in smoking behavior and secondhand smoke (SHS) exposure after implementation of the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) rule prohibiting the use of cigarettes, cigars, pipes, and waterpipes in all federally subsidized public housing, including within residential units (apartments). Using quantitative data from a repeated cross-sectional mail survey of New York State residents of five public housing authorities (N = 761 at Wave 1, N = 649 at Wave 2), we found evidence of policy compliance (99% decrease in odds of self-reported smoking in units, OR = 0.01, p < 0.01, CI: 0.00–0.16), reduced SHS incursions (77% decrease in odds of smelling smoke within developments, OR = 0.23, p < 0.01, CI: 0.13–0.44), and lower reported smoking rates in July 2018 (9.5%, down from 16.8%), 10 months after implementation of the rule. Despite evident success, one-fifth of residents reported smelling smoke inside their apartment at least a few times per week. This study provides insights into how the policy was implemented in selected New York public housing authorities, offers evidence of policy-intended effects, and highlights challenges to consistent and impactful policy implementation.

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Abstract New York City administration invest on strategies to become a smart city. On 2015 the Mayor announced the release of “One New York: The Plan for a Strong and Just City” a comprehensive plan for a sustainable and resilient city. But at the beginning of 2020, COVID-19 disrupted its implementation. The negative impacts of the pandemic include public health impacts, housing and food insecurity, increase of unemployment rate and closure of small businesses, among others. Digital technologies played an important role during this period, as the city’s administration offered reliable information about the pandemic through applications and websites. Considering the importance of NYC for the economy of U.S., and the huge impact that COVID-19 pandemic had on the city, this paper is part of a research that explores a smart city approach (i. e. New York) during a pandemic scenario through an empiric perception, presenting an early analysis of the actions adopted during the COVID-19 pandemic, and its relation to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s). A case study has been conducted, with the mapping of actions adopted by the New York City administration during the first wave of COVID 19 pandemic (March-June 2020). Results indicate a close relation among those actions and the basic SDG’s, signalling that a city to be smart must be sustainable. Conclusions indicate the necessity to review priorities on cities administration aiming the strengthening of a more resilient-inclusive society, particularly considering the challenges during and after a pandemic.

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When the Venezuelan dictator, Juan Vincente Gómez, died on 17 December 1935, after ruling Venezuela with an iron fist for 27 years, an outburst of popular unrest and nationalistic fervour was unleashed against the foreign oil companies operating on Venezuelan soil. The dominant oil interests in Venezuela at the time were Royal Dutch Shell, the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey and the Gulf Oil Company. There were several smaller companies such as British Controlled Oilfields, a British state-owned company with a network of Venezuelan affiliates, and the Socony Vacuum Company, a New York-based company which was a significant latecomer. It was the first three aforementioned companies, however, that constituted the Big Three.1The oil companies were associated in the popular mind with the odious Gómez dictatorship and partly for this reason became the object of the people's wrath. Yet there were also practical economic and social reasons for the popular feeling against the companies. The latter paid low wages, provided miserable housing and social amenities for their workers and discriminated against Venezuelans in their employment practices.2For more than a year after the dictator's death Venezuela was in the throes of popular unrest.

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Objectives. To assess if historical redlining, the US government’s 1930s racially discriminatory grading of neighborhoods’ mortgage credit-worthiness, implemented via the federally sponsored Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) color-coded maps, is associated with contemporary risk of preterm birth (< 37 weeks gestation). Methods. We analyzed 2013–2017 birth certificate data for all singleton births in New York City (n = 528 096) linked by maternal residence at time of birth to (1) HOLC grade and (2) current census tract social characteristics. Results. The proportion of preterm births ranged from 5.0% in grade A (“best”—green) to 7.3% in grade D (“hazardous”—red). The odds ratio for HOLC grade D versus A equaled 1.6 and remained significant (1.2; P < .05) in multilevel models adjusted for maternal sociodemographic characteristics and current census tract poverty, but was 1.07 (95% confidence interval = 0.92, 1.20) after adjustment for current census tract racialized economic segregation. Conclusions. Historical redlining may be a structural determinant of present-day risk of preterm birth. Public Health Implications. Policies for fair housing, economic development, and health equity should consider historical redlining’s impacts on present-day residential segregation and health outcomes.

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Radiocephalic fistula for hemodialysis is the most effective vascular access since it was developed at the Bronx Veteran's Administration Hospital in New York by Charles Kenneth Appell in February 1965. The first fourteen cases were published in a classical paper (N Engl J Med 1966; 275:1089–1092). Some aspects of the biography of Dr. Appell, together with the history of the development of radiocephalic fistula are described in this historical communication. Dr Appel, aged 82, is currently living in New York's Hudson Valley.

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Angel, S. et al. (Eds.). (1983). Land for housing the poor. Singapore: Select Books. Antaöv. A. (2007). Democracy to become reality: Participatory planning through action research. Habitat International, 31(3-4), 333-344. Archer, D. (2009). Social capital and participatory slum upgrading in Bangkok, Thailand. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Land Economy, University of Cambridge. Asian Coalition for Housing Right [ACHR]. (2012). Comprehensive site planning: Transform community to better living place for all. Bangkok: Author. Boonyabancha, S. (2005). BMK going to scale with “slums” and squatter upgrading in Thailand. Environment and Urbanization, 17(1), 21-46. Boonyabancha, S. (2009). Land for housing the poor—by the poor: Experience from the BMK nationwide slum upgrading programme in Thailand. Environment and Urbanization, 21(2), 1-21. Brydon-Miller, M. et al. (2003). Why action research? Action Research, 1(1), 9-28. Community Organizations Development Institute [CODI]. (2003). โครงการบ้านมั่นคง: แผนยุทธศาสตร์การแก้ไขปัญหาที่อยู่อาศัย (พ.ศ. 2546-2550) [BMK: Strategic plan for slum upgrading (2003-2007)], Bangkok: Author. Community Organizations Development Institute [CODI]. (2010). บ้านมั่นคง [Baan Mankong]. Retrieved May 29, 2012, from http://www.codi.or.th/baanmankong/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=57&Itemid=10&lang=en Community Organizations Development Institute [CODI]. (2013). โครงการบ้านมั่นคง: พัฒนาการการแก้ไขปัญหาที่อยู่อาศัย [Baan Mankong Program: The evolution of housing development]. Retrieved March 14, 2013, from http://www.codi.or.th/baanmankong/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=57&Itemid=10&lang=en Davis, M. (2006). Planet of slums. New York: Verso. Forestor, J. F. (1989). The deliberative practitioner. Massachusetts: MIT Press. Frank, D. (2008). Sustainable housing finance for low-income groups: A comparative study. Berlin: Nomos Publishers. Friedmann, J. (1973). Retracking America: A theory of transactive planning. Los Angeles: Anchor Books. Gustavsen, B. (2008). Action research, practical challenges, and the formation of theory. Action Research, 6(4), 421-437. Healey, P. (1997). Collaborative planning: Shaping places in fragmented societies. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. International Institute for Environment and Development [IIED]. (2003). A decade of change: From the urban community development (UCDO) to the community organizations development institute (CODI) in Thailand, Working Paper 12 on Poverty Reduction in Urban Areas. Innes, J. (1996). Planning through consensus building: A view of the comprehensive ideal. Journal of the American Planning Association, 62(4), 460-472. Krumholz, N. & Forestor, J. F. (1990). Making equity planning work: Leadership in the public sector. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Rabhibhat, A. (2007). รายงานวิจัยการประเมินผลโครงการบ้านมั่นคง เรื่อง คนจนเมือง: การเปลี่ยนแปลงโลกทัศน์และทัศนคติที่มีต่อตนเองและสังคม [The urban poor: The changes of social perspective and self reflection]. Unpublished Final Report submitted to Community Organization Development Institute. Sang-arun, N. (2012). The right to the city: The housing rights movement of Bangbua community. Journal of Architecture/Planning Research and Studies, 9(1), 1-12. Sapu, S. & Usavagovitwong, N. (2007). คู่มือการออกแบบและวางผังชุมชนโครงการบ้านมั่นคง: กรณีการสร้างชุมชนในภาคตะวันออกฉียงเหนือ [Community planning and design manual for Baan Mankong program: A case study of northeastern province]. Bangkok, Thailand: Community Organization Development Institute. Seabrook, J. (1996). In the cities of the south: Scenes from a developing world. London: Verso. Spatig, L. et al. (2010). The power of process: A story of collaboration and community change. Community Development, 41(1), 3-20. The Crown Property Bureau. (2010). รายงานประจำาปี พ.ศ. 2553 [Annual report 2010]. Retrieved March 12, 2013, from http://www.crownproperty.or.th/th/annual_report_2010.pdf The Crown Property Bureau. (2013). การพัฒนาชุมชนตามโครงการบ้านมั่นคง 39 ชุมชน [39 Communities: Baan Mankong program’s community development]. Retrieved March 12, 2013, from http://www.crownproperty.or.th/real_estate_02_06.php Turner, J. F. C. (1977). Housing by people: Towards autonomy in building environments. Michigan: Pantheon Books. UN-Habitat. (1997). Accommodating people in the Asia-Pacific region. f*ckuoka: Author. UN-Habitat. (2012). Sustainable housing for sustainable cities: A policy framework for developing countries. Nairobi: Author. United Nations. (2008). Promotion and protection of all rights, civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights, including the rights to development. Human Rights Council. Retrieved March 20, 2013, from http://www.internal-displacement.org/8025708F004BE3B1/(httpInfoFiles)/C90EE08CC6A733ABC12574C00049C81D/$file/G0810545.pdf Usavagovitwong, N. (2007). Towards community participation in housing design: Experience from low-income waterfront community, Bangkok. Journal of the Faculty of Architecture, KMITL, 5(1), 64-79. Usavagovitwong, N. et al. (2012). Understanding urban community amid capitalism: A case study of the Crown Property Bureau’s superblock. Journal of Architecture/Planning Research and Studies, 9(1), 27-42.

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Respiratory monitoring, using impedance with implanted telemetry in socially housed animals, was not possible until the recent development of digital signal transmission. The objective of this study was to evaluate digital telemetry monitoring of cardiopulmonary parameters (respiratory rate, tidal volume, minute volume, electrocardiography (DII), systemic arterial blood pressure, physical activity, and body temperature) in conscious, single-housed, non-rodent species commonly used in toxicology studies following administration of positive/negative controls (saline, dexmedetomidine, morphine, amphetamine, and doxapram), and also, the effects of various social housing arrangements in untreated female and/or male cynomolgus monkeys, Beagle dogs, and Göttingen minipigs (n = 4 per species). Aggressions were observed in socially housed male minipigs, however, which prevented pair-housed assessments in this species. All tested pharmacological agents significantly altered more than one organ system, highlighting important inter-organ dependencies when analyzing functional endpoints. Stress-related physiological changes were observed with single-housing or pair-housing with a new cage mate in cynomolgus monkeys and Beagle dogs, suggesting that stable social structures are preferable to limit variability, especially around dosing. Concomitant monitoring of cardiovascular and respiratory parameters from the same animals may help reduce the number of animals (3 Rs) needed to fulfill the S7A guidelines and allows for identification of organ system functional correlations. Globally, the data support the use of social housing in non-rodents for safety pharmacology multi-organ system (heart and lungs) monitoring investigations.

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Hurricane Sandy's 80 mph wind speeds did not achieve major hurricane status on the Saffir-Simpson scale, yet the storm had extreme consequences for the New York metropolitan area. Post-event recovery has been quite variable across the region, especially in New Jersey. This paper examines the progression of recovery at two time intervals — 6 months and 1 year after the storm made landfall. Based on in situ observations of reconstruction and repair within the surge damage zone along New Jersey's coast (N = 765 locations or points), we hypothesize that the timing and distribution of recovery is based on exposure (water depth, prior flood experience, building heights), vulnerability (social vulnerability, seasonal occupancy), and government support (FEMA assistance, Small Business Administration loans). Predictions of recovery (recovered, not recovered) based on these input measures is quite good at 6 months (80 percent correctly predicted) with slight improvements at 1 year (82 percent correctly predicted). The model is much better at predicting recovered points than recovering. In terms of the individual factors predicting recovery the level of exposure is the most significant, statewide. Within the two most affect counties — Monmouth and Ocean — only water depth and building height were significant predictors. Housing tenure (seasonal occupancy) was an important predictor of the location and timing of recovery for the first 6 months, especially in Monmouth County, but became insignificant thereafter. Government support in the form of FEMA individual assistance grants was a significant predictor statewide in both time periods. Clearly other factors are influencing the pace and location of recovery including confusion surrounding flood hazard zones and insurance. Those factors influencing the lack of recovery for the roughly 20 percent of our observations awaits further, more detailed analyses.

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This paper examines adoption of online grocery shopping, and potential cost and time savings compared to brick and mortar food retailers, by New York City public housing residents using Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits. A mixed methods action research project involving the co-creation of an online shopping club, the Farragut Food Club (FFC), recruited 300 members who registered to shop online using SNAP, and received waivers on delivery minimums and provided technical assistance and centralized food delivery. We conducted a survey (n = 206) and focus groups to understand shopping practices; FFC members collected receipts of groceries over two weeks before and after the pilot to measure foods purchased, stores patronized, and prices. We interviewed FFC members to elicit experiences with the pilot, and estimated cost differences between products purchased in brick and mortar stores and equivalent products online, and transportation time and cost differences. Online shopping represented a small (2.4%) percentage of grocery spending. Unit prices for products purchased on Amazon ($0.28) were significantly higher than for equivalent products purchased in brick and mortar stores ($0.23) (p < 0.001.) Compatibility with existing routines, low relative advantage, and cost of online products limited the adoption of online shopping among SNAP users.

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Objectives. Adolescents with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection are at increased risk for tuberculosis (TB), underscoring the importance of early identification of TB infection. The goals of this study were to assess the factors associated with the completion of evaluations for TB in a cohort of HIV-positive adolescents and young adults and to describe the prevalence of Mycobacterium tuberculosis infection and adherence to antituberculous treatment regimens. Methods. A retrospective chart review was done for all HIV-positive adolescents and young adults, ages 13 to 21 years (n = 49), seen in a comprehensive care program from January 1991 through December 1992. Data collected included CD4 cell count, HIV clinical status, living situation, substance use history, and the completion of an annual evaluation for TB infection. The evaluation consisted of a tuberculin skin test (Mantoux test), using an intraepidermal injection of 0.1 mL of 5 tuberculin units of purified protein derivative (PPD) and a simultaneous Merieux multitest anergy panel. Chi-square analysis was used to assess the association between the completion of the evaluation for TB and both living status and substance use. Results. Thirty-one (63%) of 49 patients completed evaluations for TB. Of the 31 completed evaluations, 18 were assessed by clinic staff on site, and 13 were assessed by other medical or trained nonmedical observers through community networking efforts. Neither homelessness nor illicit substance use were factors in the completion of the evaluation. Six (19%) of the 31 patients had positive PPD skin test results. Three had medical histories and chest radiographs suggesting active TB, and all were hospitalized for at least 2 weeks. Two had positive cultures for M tuberculosis, although the third also responded clinically to antituberculous therapy. All three were otherwise asymptomatic for HIV infection, with only moderately depressed CD4 cell counts. All three were homeless and used crack cocaine. After the initial treatment as inpatients, none completed treatment within the prescribed time period. Conclusions. The completions of the evaluations for TB were greatly facilitated by community networking, but innovative strategies to enhance both screening and treatment programs, such as training youth service providers in the community to read PPD skin tests, expansion of directly observed therapy services, and youth-centered programs for housing and substance use, need further development. The high prevalence of TB in the cohort underscores the need for providers to increase efforts to identify cases of TB infection among adolescents and young adults and to incorporate HIV risk assessment, counseling, and testing into their practices routinely.

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Several challenges fill the distance learning program in the Philippines and the Public-Private Partnerships implementation process. The educational system in the Philippines, like any other developing country, is severely affected during these pandemic times. Although the public schools already employed the programs and resource mobilization, partnership effectiveness is not yet fully determined. As such, our qualitative study applied the concept lenses of SDG#17 and SDG#4 to describe the degree of integration of practices and principles during the implementation of PPPs in the distance learning program. Semi-structured interviews and content analysis were conducted among public school principals in Mandaluyong City in NCR, Philippines. The prevailing PPP practices and principles are Upfront commitment to maintenance, and predictability and transparency of whole-oflife costs, creation of specific obligations of both parties, the establishment of educational objectives in the MOA, evaluation of the work progress & completion based on the targets, and lastly, sharing results of the outcome of these educational endeavors. The commitment of the teachers is the main enabling factor, while the poor internet connectivity and effect and restrictions brought about by the COVID19 pandemic are the hindering factors in the distance learning program. This paper can serve as a source of reference in establishing a long-term sustainable plan for implementing partnership efforts in quality education across the regions in the Philippines. We could also utilize the results of this study in the process of policy innovation to implement all the PPPs and maximize the impact elsewhere in achieving all the SDGs.ReferencesAlmarri, K. & Abuhijleh, B. (2017) A qualitative study for developing a framework for implementing public-private partnerships in developing countries. Journal of Facilities Management. 15(2), 170–189. doi: 10.1108/jfm-07-2016-0031Axinn, W.G., & Pearce, L.D. (2006). Mixed method data collection strategies. New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press.Burmeister, E. & Aitken, L. (2012). Sample size: How many is enough? Australia Critical Care, 25(4), 271–274. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.aucc.2012.07.002Balanay R.M., & Halog A. (2016). Teaching education for sustainable development at university level: A case study from the Philippines. Teaching Education for Sustainable Development at University Level. World Sustainability Series. 1, 163-174. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32928-4_11Dela Serna, A. (2018). Teaching sustainable development in the Philippines: Looking through the lens of education for sustainable development (esd). ASEAN Conference on Education. p. 841 – 851. Retrieved from http://www.pbic.tu.ac.th/wpcontent/uploads/2019/10/2018-Ace-proceedings.pdfHueskes, M., Verhoest, K., and Block, T., (2017). Governing public–private partnerships for sustainability: an analysis of procurement and governance practices of PPP infrastructure projects. International Journal of Project management, 35, 1184–1195. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijproman.2017.02.020Huxham, C. & Vangen, S. (2005). Managing to collaborate: The theory and practice of collaborative advantage. London: Routledge.Kwofie, K.N., Afram, S. & Botchway, E. (2015). A critical success model for PPP public housing delivery in Ghana. Built Environment Project and Asset Management, 6(1), 58-73. doi: 10.1108/bepam-04-2014-0026Obwegeser, N., & Muller, S. D. (2018). Innovation and public procurement: Terminology, concepts, and applications. Technovation, 2(1) 1-17. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.technovation.2018.02.015Shi, L., Han, L., Yang, F., & Gao, L. (2019). The evolution of sustainable development theory: Types, goals, and research prospects. Sustainability, 11(24), 7158. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.3390/su11247158Shokri-Ghasabeh, M. & Chileshe, N. (2014). Knowledge management: Barriers to capturing lessons learned from Australian construction contractors’ perspective. Construction Innovation, 14(1), 108-134. DOI: 10.1108/CI-06-2013-0026Sustainable Development Solutions Network (SDSN). (2015). Indicators and a monitoring framework for the sustainable development goals. Launching a data revolution. UN, New York. Retrieved from https://irp-cdn.multiscreensite.com/be6d1d56/files/uploaded/150612-FINAL-SDSN-Indicator-Report1.pdfSustainable Development Solutions Network (SDSN) Australia/Pacific. (2017). Getting started with SDGs in universities: A guide for universities, higher education institutions, and the Academic Sector. (Australia, New Zealand and Pacific Edition). Sustainable Development Solutions Network, Australia/Pacific, Melbourne. Retrieved http://ap-unsdsn.org/wp-content/uploads/University-SDG-Guide_web.pdfTrangkanont, S. and Charoenngam, C. (2014). Private partner's risk response in PPP low-cost housing projects. Property Management, 32(1): 67–94. https://doi.org/10.1108/PM-02-2013-0008.United Nations (UN). (2015). Transforming our world: the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. UN, New York. Retrieved from https://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/70/1&Lang=EWorld Bank (2015). World Bank group support to public-private partnerships: Lessons from experience in client countries. fy02–1202–12; World Bank: Washington, DC, USA,121–139. Retrieved from https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/22908/9781464806308.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=yWorld Bank (2017). Public private partnerships reference guide version 3.0. https://library.pppknowledgelab.org/documents/ 4699/download

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Background: Recombinant factor VIIa (rFVIIa) (Novoseven®) is utilized for the reversal of anticoagulation-associated bleeding and refractory bleeding in cardiac surgery. In August 2015, rFVIIa was transferred from the blood bank to the pharmacy at New York University (NYU) Langone Health. Concordantly, an off-label dosing guideline was developed. The objective of this study was to describe utilization and cost of rFVIIa and assess compliance to our dosing guideline. Methods: We performed a retrospective, observational review of rFVIIa administrations post-implementation of an off-label dosing guideline. All patients who received rFVIIa between September 2015 and June 2017 were evaluated. For each rFVIIa administration, anticoagulation and laboratory values, indications for use, dosing, ordering and administration times, concomitant blood products, and adverse events were collected. Adverse events included venous thromboembolism, stroke, myocardial infarction, and death due to systemic embolism and mortality. The primary endpoint was the utilization of rFVIIa in accordance with the off-label dosing guideline. Secondary endpoints included hemostatic efficacy of rFVIIa, adverse events, blood products administered, and cost-effectiveness of rFVIIa transition to pharmacy. Results: A total of 63 patients [pediatric ( n = 6), adult ( n = 57)] received rFVIIa, with the majority of use for refractory bleeding after cardiac surgery. The utilization of rVIIa decreased after development of the off-label dosing guideline and transition from blood bank to pharmacy. The total incidence of thromboembolic events within 30 days was 19.6%; 17.6% arterial and 2% venous; 70% of patients with an adverse event were over 70 years of age. Use of rFVIIa reduced the median number of units of blood products administered. Conclusion: Administration of rFVIIa for cardiac surgery appears to be effective for hemostasis. Transitioning rFVIIa from the blood bank to pharmacy and implementation of a dosing guideline appears to have reduced utilization. Patients receiving rFVIIa should be monitored for thromboembolic events. Elderly patients may be at higher risk for thromboembolic events.

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In vitro exposure of oocytes to elevated temperatures hastened oocyte maturation; furthermore, performing IVF of heat-stressed oocytes 5 h earlier than the usual 24 h resulted in blastocyst development similar to that of non-heat-stressed controls (Edwards et al. 2005 J. Dairy Sci. 88, 4326–4333). If elevated ambient temperatures in vivo alter oocyte maturation in a similar fashion, then new strategies are needed to induce earlier release of the oocyte from the ovulatory follicle. Current objectives were to examine follicular growth after FSH administration and examine whether treatment with FSH and an exogenously induced LH surge would hasten ovulation. On Day 0 (8 to 9 days after estrus) of the experimental period, lactating Holstein cows (n = 31; 65–115 days in milk; 1–6 lactations) received an EAZI-BREED CIDR (Pfizer Animal Health, New York, NY, USA) plus 100 µg of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH, IM; Cystorelin, Merial Ltd, Iselin, NJ, USA). On Day 7, CIDRs were removed and cows were administered 500 µg cloprostenol (IM; Estrumate, Schering-Plough Animal Health, Union, NJ, USA). Concurrently, cows were randomly allocated to receive either 80 mg FSH (FSH; n = 15; Folltropin-V, Bioniche Animal Health, Belleville, ON, Canada) or 4 mL of sterile saline (SAL; n = 16). Forty-eight h later (Day 9), cows within the FSH and SAL groups were randomly subdivided to receive either a 100-µg dose of Cysterolin (GnRH) or 3000 IU of hCG (hCG, IM; Chorulon, Intervet Inc., Millsboro, DE, USA) generating 4 treatment combinations (FSH/GnRH, n = 3; FSH/hCG, n = 7; SAL/GnRH, n = 8; and SAL/hCG, n = 8). Ovarian activity was assessed by ultrasonography to evaluate growth of the ovulatory follicle. Following CIDR removal, frequent ultrasonography was utilized to confirm ovulation (disappearance of the dominant follicle). Data were analyzed using the MIXED procedure of SAS (SAS Institute, Inc., Cary, NC, USA). Five cows from the FSH group were removed from the combination treatment due to ovulation occurring before 48 h post-CIDR removal. Size of the ovulatory follicle at time of GnRH or hCG administration was not different between FSH or SAL groups (16.7 � 0.7 v. 17.5 � 0.6 mm, respectively). Total growth of the ovulatory follicle from CIDR removal to ovulation did not differ between FSH (3.04 � 0.7 mm) and SAL (2.75 � 0.7 mm)-treated cows. As calculated from time of CIDR removal, ovulation occurred earlier in FSH (63.6 � 4.5 h) than in SAL (77.2 � 4.4 h; P < 0.05)-treated cows. Combination of FSH/GnRH produced the earliest ovulation (74 � 1.2 h) which was different only from FSH/hCG (78.6 � 0.8 h; P < 0.05), but not from SAL/GnRH or SAL/hCG (77 � 0.8 and 78 � 0.8 h, respectively). Regardless of FSH or SAL treatment, cows treated with GnRH ovulated earlier than those treated with hCG (75.5 � 0.7 v. 78.3 � 0.6 h, respectively; P < 0.05). In conclusion, while FSH was unable to increase the size of the ovulatory follicle, earlier ovulation occurred when given alone or in combination with GnRH.

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-Leslie G. Desmangles, Joan Dayan, Haiti, history, and the Gods. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995. xxiii + 339 pp.-Barry Chevannes, James T. Houk, Spirits, blood, and drums: The Orisha religion in Trinidad. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995. xvi + 238 pp.-Barry Chevannes, Walter F. Pitts, Jr., Old ship of Zion: The Afro-Baptist ritual in the African Diaspora. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. xvi + 199 pp.-Robert J. Stewart, Lewin L. Williams, Caribbean theology. New York: Peter Lang, 1994. xiii + 231 pp.-Robert J. Stewart, Barry Chevannes, Rastafari and other African-Caribbean worldviews. London: Macmillan, 1995. xxv + 282 pp.-Michael Aceto, Maureen Warner-Lewis, Yoruba songs of Trinidad. London: Karnak House, 1994. 158 pp.''Trinidad Yoruba: From mother tongue to memory. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1996. xviii + 279 pp.-Erika Bourguignon, Nicola H. Götz, Obeah - Hexerei in der Karibik - zwischen Macht und Ohnmacht. 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The prevalence of ADHD children increases every year. Some researchers have shown that psychosocial behavior therapy (antecedents-consequences modification) was effective to decrease hyperactivity and increase attention to ADHD children. This study aims to find out the effectiveness of antecedents-consequences modification by parents and teachers to decrease hyperactivity and increase attention to a 6 years old boy with ADHD. The study was a single case experimental design. Psychosocial behavior therapy has been used with antecedents-consequences modification. The antecedents-consequences modification was applied by teacher at school and parents at home. Data were analyzed using Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test. Results showed that there’s a significant decrease of hyperactivity behavior and significant increase of doing his assignment both at school and also at home. Not only about the content of behavior therapy itself, but how to give the therapy is important. Parents and teacher should do the therapy consistently, immediately, specifically and saliency to reach the target of intervention. Keywords: ADHD Children, Antecedents, Consequences, Modification Reference: (APA), A. A. P. (2013). Diagnostic and Manual of Mental Disorder (5th ed.). Arlington: American Psychiatric Association. Amalia, R. (2018). Intervensi terhadap Anak Usia Dini yang Mengalami Gangguan ADHD Melalui Pendekatan Kognitif Perilaku dan Alderian Play Therapy. Jurnal Obsesi : Jurnal Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini, 2(1), 27. https://doi.org/10.31004/obsesi.v2i1.4 Anastopoulos, A.D; Farley, S. . (2003). A Cognitive Behavioural Training Program for Parents of Children with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. In W. J. Kazdin, Alan E (Ed.), Evidence-based psychotherapies for children and adolescents (pp. 187–203). New York: Guildford Press. Barkley, Russell A; DuPaul, G.L ; McMurray, M. . (1990). A comprehensive evaluation of attention deficit disorder with and without hyperactivity. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 58, 775–789. Barkley, R. A. (2006). Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder : A handbook for diagnosis and treatment (3rd ed.). New York City: Guildford Press. Barlow, D.H ; Hersen, M. (1984). Single case experimental design : Strategies for studying behavior change (2nd ed.). New York: Pergamon Press. Baumeister, S., Wolf, I., Holz, N., Boecker-Schlier, R., Adamo, N., Holtmann, M., … Brandeis, D. (2018). Neurofeedback Training Effects on Inhibitory Brain Activation in ADHD: A Matter of Learning? Neuroscience, 378, 89–99. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroscience.2016.09.025 Cantwell, D. P., & Baker, L. (1991). Association between attention deficit-hyperactivity disorder and learning disorders. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 24(2), 88–95. https://doi.org/10.1177/002221949102400205 Center for Children and Families. (2019). Evidence-based Psychosocial Treatment for ADHD Children and Adolescents. Retrieved from http://ccf.fiu.edu Davidson, G. C. (2010). Abnormal Psychology. New Jersey: Wiley. DuPaul, George; Stoner, G. (2003). ADHD in the schools. New York: Guildford Press. DuPaul, G., & Weyandt, L. (2006). School-based intervention for children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder: Effects on academic, social, and behavioural functioning. International Journal of Disability, Development and Education, 53(2), 161–176. https://doi.org/10.1080/10349120600716141 Erinta, D. B. M. S. (2012). Efektivitas penerapan terapi permainan sosialisasi untuk menurunkan perilaku impulsif pada anak dengan attention deficit hyperactive disorder (ADHD). Jurnal Psikologi : Teori & Terapan, 3(1). Evans, Steven W; Owens, Julie; Bunford, M. N. (2014). Evidence-Based Psychosocial Treatments for Children and Adolescents with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. Journal Clinical Child Adolescence Psychology, 43(4), 527–551. https://doi.org/10.1038/jid.2014.371 Fabiano, G. A., Pelham, W. E., Coles, E. K., Gnagy, E. M., Chronis-Tuscano, A., & O’Connor, B. C. (2009). A meta-analysis of behavioral treatments for attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Clinical Psychology Review, 29(2), 129–140. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2008.11.001 Gerdes, A. C., Hoza, B., & Pelham, W. E. (2003). Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disordered boys’ relationships with their mothers and fathers: Child, mother, and father perceptions. Development and Psychopathology, 15(2), 363–382. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0954579403000208 Haas, S. M., Waschbusch, D. A., Pelham, W. E., King, S., Andrade, B. F., & Carrey, N. J. (2011). Treatment response in CP/ADHD children with callous/unemotional traits. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 39(4), 541–552. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10802-010-9480-4 Helseth, S. A., Waschbusch, D. A., Gnagy, E. M., Onyango, A. N., Burrows-MacLean, L., Fabiano, G. A., … Pelham, W. E. (2015). Effects of behavioral and pharmacological therapies on peer reinforcement of deviancy in children with ADHD-Only, ADHD and conduct problems, and controls. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 83(2), 280–292. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0038505 Hidayati, DM Ria ; Purwandari, E. (2010). Time Out : Alternatif Modifikasi Perilaku Anak ADHD (Attention Deficit/ Hyperacitivity Disorder). Indigenous, Jurnal Ilmiah Berkala Psikologi, 12(2), 101–114. Hinshaw, S. P., Owens, E. B., Wells, K. C., Kraemer, H. C., Abikoff, H. B., Arnold, L. E., … Wigal, T. (2000). Family processes and treatment outcome in the MTA: Negative/ineffective parenting practices in relation to multimodal treatment. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 28(6), 555–568. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1005183115230 Hinshaw, Stephen P., Owens, E. B., Zalecki, C., Huggins, S. P., Montenegro-Nevado, A. J., Schrodek, E., & Swanson, E. N. (2012). Prospective follow-up of girls with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder into early adulthood: Continuing impairment includes elevated risk for suicide attempts and self-injury. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology,80(6), 1041–1051. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0029451 Jackson, N. A. (2003). A Survey of Music Therapy Methods and Their Role in the Treatment of Early Elementary School Children with ADHD. Journal of Music Therapy, 40(4), 302–323. https://doi.org/10.1093/jmt/40.4.302 Johnston, Charlotte; Mash, E. J. (2001). Families of Children With Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder : Review and Recommendations for Future Research. Clinical Child and Family Psychology Review, 4(3), 183–207. Jr, W. E. P., Fabiano, G. A., & Pelham, W. E. (2008). Evidence-Based Psychosocial Treatments for Attention- Deficit / Hyperactivity Disorder (Vol. 4416). https://doi.org/10.1080/15374410701818681 Kaiser, N. M., McBurnett, K., & Pfiffner, L. J. (2011). Child ADHD severity and positive and negative parenting as predictors of child social functioning: Evaluation of three theoretical models. Journal of Attention Disorders, 15(3), 193–203. https://doi.org/10.1177/1087054709356171 Kazdin, A. E. (1984). Behavior Modification in Applied Settings. New York: Dorsey Press. Krasny-Pacini, A., & Evans, J. (2018). Single-case experimental designs to assess intervention effectiveness in rehabilitation: A practical guide. Annals of Physical and Rehabilitation Medicine, 61(3), 164–179. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rehab.2017.12.002 Langberg, J. M., Molina, B. S. G., Arnold, L. E., Epstein, J. N., Altaye, M., Hinshaw, S. P., … Hechtman, L. (2011). Patterns and predictors of adolescent academic achievement and performance in a sample of children with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology, 40(4), 519–531. https://doi.org/10.1080/15374416.2011.581620 Nigg, J.T ; Barkley, R. . (2014). (Attention-deficit Hyperactivity Disorder). In R. A. Barkley (Ed.), E-book Pediatric เรื่องPsychiatry (Third Edit, Vol. 54, pp. 1–17). Retrieved from http://www.thaipediatrics.org/pages/Doctor/Download/48aedb8880cab8c45637abc7493ecddd:e0a186938dc3b74657fd46d32fac5fe6 Pastor, P., Reuben, C., Duran, C., & Hawkins, L. J. (2015). Association between diagnosed ADHD and selected characteristics among children aged 4-17 years: United States, 2011-2013. NCHS Data Brief, (201), 201. Patterson, G. . (1982). Coercive Family Process. Eugene: Castalia. Pfiffner, L. J ; Barkley, R. . (1990). Educational Placement and Classroom Management. In R. A. Barkley (Ed.), Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder : A Handbook for Diagnosis and Treatment. New York: Guildford Press. Pfiffner, Linda J; Barkley, R; DuPaul, G. (2006). Treatment of ADHD in school settings. In R. A. Barkley (Ed.), Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder: A handbook for diagnosis and treatment (3th ed., pp. 547–589). New York: Guildford Press. Pfiffner, L. J., Calzada, E., & McBurnett, K. (2000). Interventions to enhance social competence. Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 9(3), 689–709. https://doi.org/10.1016/s1056-4993(18)30113-5 Pfiffner, Linda J., Hinshaw, S. P., Owens, E., Zalecki, C., Kaiser, N. M., Villodas, M., & McBurnett, K. (2014). A two-site randomized clinical trial of integrated psychosocial treatment for ADHD-inattentive type. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 82(6), 1115–1127. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036887 Pfiffner, Linda J, & Haack, L. M. (2014). Behavior Management for School - Aged Children with ADHD. 23, 731–746. Pfiffner, Linda J, Hinshaw, S. P., Owens, E., Zalecki, C., Kaiser, N. M., Villodas, M., & Mcburnett, K. (2015). A two-site randomized clinical trial of Integrated Psychosocial Treatment for ADHD-Inattentive Type. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 82(6), 1115–1127. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0036887.A Riddle, M. A., Yershova, K., Lazzaretto, D., Paykina, N., Yenokyan, G., Greenhill, L., … Posner, K. (2013). The preschool attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder treatment study (PATS) 6-year follow-up. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 52(3). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaac.2012.12.007 Saputro, D. (2009). ADHD (Attention Deficit/ Hyperactivity Disorder). Jakarta: Sagung Seto. Schunk, D. H. (2012). Learning Theories : An Educational Perspective (6th ed.; Pearson Education, Ed.). Boston. Shriver, M. D., Segool, N., & Gortmaker, V. (2011). Behavior observations for linking assessment to treatment for selective mutism. Education and Treatment of Children, 34(3), 389–411. https://doi.org/10.1353/etc.2011.0023 Suyanto, B. N., & Wimbarti, S. (2019). Program Intervensi Musik terhadap Hiperaktivitas Anak Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Gadjah Mada Journal of Professional Psychology (GamaJPP), 5(1), 15. https://doi.org/10.22146/gamajpp.48584 Taylor, E. (2009). Developing ADHD. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 50, 126–132. Thomas, R., Sanders, S., Doust, J., Beller, E., & Glasziou, P. (2015). Prevalence of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Pediatrics, 135(4), e994–e1001. https://doi.org/10.1542/peds.2014-3482 Tran, J. L. A., Sheng, R., Beaulieu, A., Villodas, M., McBurnett, K., Pfiffner, L. J., & Wilson, L. (2018). Cost-Effectiveness of a Behavioral Psychosocial Treatment Integrated Across Home and School for Pediatric ADHD-Inattentive Type. Administration and Policy in Mental Health and Mental Health Services Research, 45(5), 741–750. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10488-018-0857-y Tresco, K. E., Lefler, E. K., & Power, T. J. (2010). Psychosocial Interventions to Improve the School Performance of Students with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. Mind & Brain : The Journal of Psychiatry, 1(2), 69–74. 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Abstract: This study aims to describe the professional development of elementary school teachers in remote areas in the UPTD Damang Batu working area, seen from the aspects of: (1) elementary teacher professional development through: (a) Intensive Development, (b) Cooperative Development, (c) Self Directed Development, and (2) Supporting factors and obstacles encountered in the professional development of remote area elementary school teachers. This research is a qualitative research with a case study design. Data collection is done by methods: in-depth interviews (indepth interview), participant observation (participant observation), and study documentation (study of document). Determination of data sources is done by using purposive sampling technique. Data analysis was performed using the interactive patterns of Miles and Huberman (1994). Checking the validity of the data is done by using a degree of credibility through both source and method triangulation techniques. The results of the study show that: (1) Professional development of elementary school teachers in remote areas, through: (a) Intensive Development, carried out through activities commonly aimed at developing teacher professionals and program activities that are tailored to the needs of teachers; (b) Cooperative Development, carried out through visits to other schools, sharing experiences with colleagues, being active in MGMP activities, and supporting each other to increase work motivation; and (c) Self-Directed Development, carried out through teaching media manufacturing activities, actively reading books in school libraries, actively participating in seminars / training, and actively seeking new teaching materials if they have the opportunity to access the internet; and (2) Supporting factors include the establishment of synergic cooperation between the Education Office, UPTD, supervisors, school principals and teachers; while the constraint factor is not all teachers have the opportunity to participate in a professional development program due to geographical conditions and the difficulty of access to and from the school. Keywords: Professional Development, Elementary Teacher, Remote Area Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan tentang Pembinaan profesional guru SD daerah terpencil di wilayah kerja UPTD Kecamatan Damang Batu, dilihat dari aspek: (1) Pembinaan professional guru SD melalui: (a) Intensive Development, (b) Cooperative Development, (c) Self- Directed Development, dan (2) Faktor pendukung dan kendala yang dihadapi dalam pengembangan profesional guru SD daerah terpencil. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan rancangan studi kasus. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan metode wawancara mendalam, observasi partisipan, dan studi dokumentasi. Penetapan sumber data dilakukan dengan teknikpurposive sampling. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan pola interaktif Miles dan Huberman (1994). Pengecekan keabsahan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan derajat kepercayaan (credibility) melalui teknik triangulasi baik sumber maupun metode. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: (1) Pembinaan profesional guru SD daerah terpencil, melalui: (a) Intensive Development, dilaksanakan melalui kegiatan yang lazim ditujukan untuk mengembangkan profesional guru serta program kegiatan yang disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan guru; (b) Cooperative Development, dilaksanakan melalui kegiatan kunjungan ke sekolah lain, sharing pengalaman dengan sejawat, aktif dalam kegiatan MGMP, serta saling mendukung untuk meningkatkan motivasi kerja; dan (c) Self- Directed Development, dilaksanakan melalui kegiatan pembuatan media ajar, aktif membaca buku di perpustakaan sekolah, aktif mengikuti seminar/pelatihan, serta aktif mencari bahan ajar baru jika memiliki kesempatan untuk mengakses internet; dan (2) Faktor pendukung meliputi terjalinnya kerjasama yang sinergis antara Dinas Pendidikan, UPTD, pengawas, kepala sekolah dan guru; sedangkan faktor kendala belum semua guru mendapatkan kesempatan untuk mengikuti program pembinaan profesional disebabkan kondisi geografis serta sukarnya akses dari dan menuju ke sekolah tersebut. Kata Kunci: Pembinaan Profesional, Guru Sekolah Dasar, Daerah Terpencil References: Arifin. (2011). Kompetensi Guru dan Strategi Pengembanganya. Yogyakarta: Penerbit LILIN. Arnold, P. (2001). Review of Contemporary Issues for Rural Schools. Education in Rural Australia, 11 (1), 30-42. Bafadal, I. (2003). Peningkatan Profesionalisme Guru Sekolah Dasar: Dalam Rangka Manajemen Peningkatan Mutu Berbasis Sekolah. Jakarta: Bumi Aksara. Collette, A.T., & Chiappetta, E. L. (1994). Science Instruction in the Middle and Secondary Schools(3rd Edition). New York: Merrill. Departemen Pendidikan Nasional. (2005). Manajemen Peningkatan Mutu Berbasis Sekolah.Jakarta: Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum. Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Dasar dan Menengah.Departemen Pendidikan Nasional. Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Gunung Mas. (2010). Laporan Tahunan DinasPendidikan Kabupaten Gunung Mas Tahun 2010. Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Gunung Mas. (2016). Data Hasil UKG Tahun 2015. Gaffar, F. M. (1987). Perencanaan Pendidikan: Teori dan Metodologi. Jakarta: Depdikbud. Glatthorn, A. A. (1995). Teacher Development. In: Anderson, L. (Ed.). International Encyclopedia of Teaching and Teacher Education. Second Edition.London: Pergamon Press. Gorton, R. A. (1976). School Administration Challenge and Opportunity for Leadership.New York: Wm. C. Brown Company Publishers. Hanson, M. E. (1985). Educational Administration and Organizational Behavior. Third Edition. Boston Allyn and Bacon. Heslop, J. (1996). A Model for The Development of Teacher in a Remote Area of Western Australia.Australian Journal of Education. Vol.21: Iss.1, Article 1. Available at: http://ro.ecu.edu.au/ajte/vol21/iss1/1. Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Kemendikbud). (2012). Pedoman Uji Kompetensi Guru.Jakarta: Badan Pengembangan Sumber Daya Manusia dan Kebudayaan dan Penjaminan Mutu. Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Kemendikbud). (2015). Pedoman Pelaksanaan Uji Kompetensi Guru.Jakarta: Direktorat Jenderal Guru dan Tenaga Kependidikan. Khasanah, N. (2014). Ternyata ini Alasan Pendidikan di Jawa Lebih Berkualitas. Diakses pada tanggal 20 Juli 2018, dari: https://www.kompasiana.com/noerchasanahkinar/ 54f868f5a333113a038b4577/ternyata-ini-alasan-pendidikan-di-jawa-lebih-berkualitas. Koswara, D. D., & Triatna, C. (2011). Manajemen Pendidikan: Manajemen Peningkatan Mutu Pendidikan.Tim Dosen Administrasi Pendidikan Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia. Bandung: Alfabeta. McPherson, R. B. (1986). Managing Uncertainty: Administrative Theory and Practice in Education. Colombus: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company. Miles, M., & Huberman, A. M. (1992). Analisis Data Kualitatif: Buku Sumber Tentang Metode-Metode Baru. Jakarta: UI Press. Mulyasa, E. (2013). Uji Kompetensi Guru dan Penilaian Kinerja Guru.Bandung: PT. Remaja Rosda Karya. Mustofa. (2007). Upaya Pengembangan Profesionalisme Guru di Indonesia.Jurnal Ekonomi Pendidikan, Vol.4 (1). Nugroho, P. J. (2013). Faktor-Faktor yang Mempengaruhi Profesionalisme Guru SD Daerah Terpencil Daratan Pedalaman Kabupaten Gunung Mas.Prosiding Hasil Penelitian dan Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Tahun 2013. Dies Natalis Universitas Palangka Raya. ISSN: 2354-6727. Nugroho, P. J. (2017). Pengembangan Model Pelatihan Inovatif untuk Meningkatkan Kompetensi Guru SD Daerah Terpencil. Jurnal Sekolah Dasar: Kajian Teori dan Praktik, Vol.26 (2). Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 19 Tahun 2005 tentang Standar Nasional Pendidikan. Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia Nomor 32 Tahun 2013 tentang Perubahan Atas Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 19 Tahun 2005. Rohani, N. K. (2004). Pengaruh Pembinaan Kepala Sekolah dan Kompensasi Terhadap Kinerja Guru SLTP Negeri di Kota Surabaya.Jurnal Pendidikan Dasar, Vol.5 (1). Saud, U. S. (2009). Pengembangan Profesi Guru SD/MI. Bandung: Alfabeta. Sher, J. 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Self-regulation for pre-school children is very important to support children’s adjustments in all situations and conditions. The current problem is the instrument of self-regulation is more focused on regulation in learning which is not suitable for young children. This study aims to examine the validity and reliability of Preschool Self-Regulation Assessment (PSRA) in Indonesia by modifying several children self-regulation theories. The instrument was translated from English into Indonesian and it retranslated into the native language by linguists. The questions, then, were validated through a process of professional judgment and cognitive de-briefing. The study was carried out to 179 children aged 6 to 7 years old. Data were analyzed by using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). It showed that there are 5 dimensions of children's self-regulation, namely: attentional focus, behavioral control, self-motivated, self-autonomy and emotional control. The result showed that the five-dimensional model is agreed with the data and prove to measure children’s self-regulation. Cronbach’s alpha coefficient value was 0.899, indicating high scale reliability. Thus, the pre-school children’s self-regulation assessment has well psychometric for further use. Keywords: Children’s self-regulation, Confirmatory Factor Analysis, Construct validation, Pre-school self-regulation assessment, Reliability References Amanda, N. ., Antara, P. ., & Magta, M. (2016). Hubungan Pola Asuh Orangtua dengan Regulasi Diri Anak Usia 5-6 Tahun. Journal Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, 4(2), 1–11. Bentley, J. J. (2013). Parental Involvement, Parent-Child Warmth and School Engagement as Mediated by Self-Regulation. Brigham Young University. Bierman, K. L., Domitrovich, C. E., Nix, R. L., Welsh, J. A., Greenberg, M. T., Blair, C., … Gill, S. (2008). Promoting academic and social-emotional school readiness: The Head Start REDI program. Child Development, 79(6). Blair, C., & Diamond. (2008). Developing your Children Self-Regulation through Everyday Experiences. Blair, C., & Raver, C. C. (2015). School readiness and self-regulation: A developmental psychobiological approach. Annual Review of Psychology, 66, 711–731. Eisenberg, N., Hofer, C., & Vaughan, J. (2007). Effortful Control and Its Socioemotional Consequences. In J. J. Gross (Ed.), Handbook of emotion regulation (hal. 287–306). New York: Guilford Press. Eisenberg, N., Spinrad, T. L., & Eggum, N. D. (2010). Emotion-Related Self-Regulation and Its Relation to Children’s Maladjustment. Annual Reviews Clinical Psychology, 27(6), 495–525. Eisenberg, N., Valiente, C., & D.Eggum, N. (2010). Self-Regulation and School Readiness. Early Education Development., 21(5), 681–698. Goyette, P., Carrol, K., Smith-Donald, R., Metzger, M., Young, T., & Raver, C. C. (2006). Field Administration of an Emotional and Behavioral Assessment of Head Start Children:Preliminary Findings from the Preschool Self-Regulation Assessment. Grolnick, W. S., & Farkas, M. (2002). Parenting and the development of children’s self-regulation. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of parenting (Vol. 5, hal. 89–110). Practical issues in parenting. Pino, D., & Whitebread, D. (2010). The Role of Parenting in Children’s Self-Regulated Learning. Educational Research Review, 5(3), 220–242. Raver, C. C., Jones, S. M., Li-Grining, C., Zhai, F., Bub, K., & Pressler, E. (2011). CSRP’s impact on low-income preschoolers’ pre-academic skills: Self-regulation and teacher-student relationships as two mediating mechanisms. Child Development, 82(1), 362–378. Rimm-Kaufman, S. E., Curby, T. W., Grimm, K. J., Nathanson, L., & Brock, L. L. (2009). The contribution of children’s self-regulation and classroom quality to children’s adaptive behaviors in the kindergarten classroom. Developmental Psychology, 45(4). Rochmah, S. N. (2017). Hubungan Konsep Diri Guru Terhadap Regulasi Diri Anak Usia Dini. Jurnal Tunas Siliwangi SPS UPI, 3(2), 160–174. Smith-Donald, R., Carroll, K., Goyette, P., Metzger, M., Young, T., & Raver, C. C. (2006). Preliminary Validity of the Preschool Self-Regulation Assessment (PSRA). Smith-Donald, R., Raver, C. C., Hayes, T., & Richardson, B. (2007). Preliminary construct and concurrent validity of the Preschool Self-regulation Assessment (PSRA) for field-based research. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 22(2), 173–187. Tanribuyurdu, Findik, E., Yildiz, & Guler, T. (2014). Preschool Self-Regulation Assessment (PSRA): Adaptation Study for Turkey. Education and Science, 39(176), 317–328. Wang, L., Hamaker, E., & Bergeman, C. (2014). Investigating inter-individual differences in short-term intra-individual variability. Psychological Methods, 17(4), 2012. Zimmerman, B. (2002). Becoming a Self-Regulated Learner: An Overview. Theory Into Practice, 41(2), 64–70

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to evaluate a number of promises typically made by owners of professional sports franchises in the USA that are also typically ignored or underevaluated by public bureaus and their elected principals using the Barclays Center in Brooklyn, New York as a case study. Ex post subsidy outcomes are evaluated against ex ante subsidy promises in order to draw lessons that can inform and improve subsidy debates elsewhere. Design/methodology/approach The case study adopts a pre-post strategy drawing on data from multiple sources over a period of up to ten years in order to triangulate the narrative and build credibility. The franchise owner’s ex ante promises and financial projections were obtained from various media including newspaper, video and interviews between December 2003, when the arena was publicly announced, and September 2012, when the arena opened. Data on ex post outputs were obtained from financial documents and government records covering periods from September 2011 through June 2016. Findings The franchise owner is found to have exaggerated the arena’s financial condition, under-delivered on its employment promises, and exaggerated the scope and timeliness of ancillary real estate development. Only promises of event frequency and attendance levels, measures of the public’s demand for the facility, have been met during the first three years. Research limitations/implications Because the evaluation is a case study, causal conclusions cannot be drawn and some aspects of the Barclays Center context may not be applicable in other jurisdictions or subsidy debates. In addition, the case study does not evaluate an exhaustive list of the promises franchise owners make. Practical implications Franchise owners have a financial incentive to overpromise public benefits, since subsidy levels are tied to what the public is perceived to receive in return. This case study demonstrates that the public sector should not take owners’ promises and projections of public benefits at face value. Moreover, the case study reveals that the public sector should put more effort into ensuring ex post policy and data transparency in order to facilitate benefit-cost analyses of such subsidies. Originality/value The data required to evaluate promises, other than economic development ones, made by franchise owners are not systematically collected across state and local governments in the USA, making large-n studies impossible. Case studies are underutilized approaches in this area of public affairs, and this paper illustrates their usefulness. By focusing on a single facility, an evaluation of the franchise owner’s less acknowledged and arguably more important promises about the facility and its local impact is possible.

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Background: Immune thrombocytopenia (ITP) is the most common acquired bleeding disorder in children. Although ~75% of these patients will go on to have spontaneous resolution of disease, up to 25% will develop chronic ITP, with significant and prolonged bleeding symptomatology and impaired quality of life. At this time, there is no definitive method to predict the development of chronic disease at the time of ITP diagnosis. Aims: We aim to identify clinical biomarkers predictive of the development of chronic ITP at the time of diagnosis among pediatric ITP patients. Methods: The clinical records of 280 pediatric ITP patients enrolled in a biological banking study at a large pediatric tertiary care referral center from July 1, 2015 to July 1, 2019 were reviewed in accordance with IRB-approved protocols. ITP diagnosis and chronicity of disease (vs. spontaneous resolution within 1 year of diagnosis) was confirmed by a pediatric hematologist, as defined by current international expert committee standards (Neunert et al, Blood, 2011;117(16):4190-207; Provan et al, Blood, 2010;115(2):168-186). Patients with non-classical ITP were excluded (1 child with drug-induced ITP in the setting of acyclovir therapy, and 1 neonate with passive ITP in the setting of maternal lupus); and patients who were lost to follow-up or had ongoing disease of &lt;1 year duration were subsequently excluded. Patient characteristics including age, gender, ethnicity, presence of concurrent autoimmune disease, and time to resolution were collected. Pertinent biomarkers including immunoglobulin levels (IgG, IgA, and IgM), anti-nuclear antibody (ANA), C-reactive protein (CRP), and immature platelet fraction (IPF) which were obtained at the time of diagnosis were documented, if if obtained prior to the administration of any ITP-directed therapy, and within 2 weeks of diagnosis. Chi-squared test or Fisher's exact test was utilized to compare nonparametric categorical data. Mann-Whitney U test was used to compare nonparametric continuous data. A multivariate backwards logistic regression model was conducted to determine independent associations with the development of chronic ITP. Statistical analyses were performed using SPSS Statistics 26 (IBM, Armonk, New York). A Bonferroni correction was applied to correct for multiple comparisons. A p value &lt; 0.05 was defined as statistically significant. Results: We identified 251 pediatric ITP patients with sufficient length of follow-up to define acute (&lt;1 year) vs. chronic (&gt;1 year) disease within our 4-year study period. This included 132 patients with acute ITP (53%) and 119 patients who went on to develop chronic ITP (47%). Mean age of diagnosis among those with acute ITP was 5.5 years, while mean age of diagnosis among those with chronic ITP was 7.7 years. Within the entire cohort, 126 (50%) were male, and 124 (49%) were of Hispanic ethnicity. Fifty-eight had ITP attributable to systemic autoimmune disease - 17% within the Acute ITP group, and 30% within the Chronic ITP group. Among all patients (n=251), 188 with evaluable biomarkers (immunoglobulin levels, ANA, CRP, or IPF) at the time of diagnosis were identified. These included 174 patients with Ig levels at diagnosis, 43 patients with ANA titers at diagnosis, 25 patients with CRP levels at diagnosis, and 78 patients with IPF at diagnosis. By univariate analysis, we found that abnormalities in immunoglobulin levels at diagnosis were significantly associated with the development of chronic ITP. Low IgG levels (p = 0.015) were more prevalent in chronic (10.3%) vs. acute ITP (1.9%). High IgG levels (p = 0.015) were more prevalent in chronic (6.7%) vs. acute ITP (1.9%). High IgM levels (p = 0.03) were more prevalent in chronic (26.5%) vs. acute ITP (13.3%). Of note, the presence of Evans syndrome (p = 0.0005) and other systemic autoimmune disease (p = 0.011) were also significantly associated with the development of chronic ITP. Subsequent multivariate analysis identified low IgG level at diagnosis to be independently predictive of chronic ITP (p = 0.043, with an odds ratio of 5.7). Conclusion: Although further study is needed within a larger international pediatric ITP cohort, the findings from this institutional study indicate that biomarkers obtained in routine clinical care at the time of ITP diagnosis, specifically immunoglobulin levels, can be utilized to help predict development of chronic disease among pediatric ITP patients. Disclosures Despotovic: Amgen: Research Funding; Dova: Honoraria; Novartis: Research Funding.

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Background. Tourism is one of the most affected sectors in global economy by the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. The introduction of hard sanitary constraints on visiting destinations has led to a sharp demand reduction for typical and related tourist services. In addition, these sanitary constraints identified negative trends in the development of domestic and international tourism in general. Significant restrictions on the functioning of the infrastructure of the tourist services market such as entertainment and recreation, public transport (including international traffic), hospitality and restaurants have affected the dyna­mics of performance of tourism entities and led to significant losses. Research on ways to restore the functioning of the tourism sector in the COVID-19 pandemic and after the remo­val of strict quarantine restrictions, as well as finding ways out of the systemic crisis, substantiation of mechanisms for regulating tourism in the new realities of the world com­munity are especially relevant. Analysis of recent researches and publications. The works of many domestic and foreign scientists are devoted to investigations of modern tourism development problems. Thus, it is worth to note the fundamental works of M. Boiko [1], M. Bosovska [2], N. Vedmid’ [3], O. Liubitseva [4], S. Melnychenko [5], G. Mykhailychenko [6] and others. However, the peculiarities of tourism development in the conditions of complex epide­miological situation in the world and in the context of the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic in scientific papers have not yet been described in detail. The analytical conclusions of the official representations of the World Tourism Organization (UNWTO), the World Tourism& Travel Council (WTTC), the World Health Organization (WHO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), as well as a number of journalistic mate­rials of the world news agencies CNN Travel, The Guardian, The New York Times, National Geographic magazine, and professional domestic periodicals deserve attention. The aim of the article is to analyze the consequences of the impact of COVID-19 pandemic on tourism development as well as to determine the main mechanisms for restoring of tourism sector functioning using different forecast scenarios. The specific objectives of the article are to analyze the dynamics of tourist flows before and during the COVID-19 pandemic, to systematize the consequences of the pandemic for tourism business, to determine the prospects for tourism development in the post-quarantine period as well as to highlight the different regulatory mechanisms to ensure the functioning of tourism enterprises in pandemic frames. Materials and methods. This investigation is based on analytical, statistical and fore­cast materials of UNWTO, WHO, OECD, WTTC. Literary, analytical, statistical, forecast­ting, comparative and geographical, modeling, and graphic methods have been used in the research. Results. The dynamics of tourism development indicators before and during the COVID-19 pandemic has been analyzed. The positive and negative effects of quarantine in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic on tourism are presented. The forecasts for the development of tourism after the end of the COVID-19 pandemic have been made. Regulatory mechanisms for ensuring the functioning of tourism enterprises in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic have been proposed. Conclusion. The difficult epidemiological situation in the world during the pandemic of acute respiratory disease COVID-19, caused by the coronavirus SARS-CoV-2, has formed a tendency to reduce sharply the number of international tourist arrivals and revenues from international tourism, and identified the need to introduce unprecedented restrictions on the operation of travel and leisure, tourism and recreation, entertainment and recreation, public transport, hospitality and restaurants. As a result, the development of the world tourism indu­stry has slowed down significantly. Structural crises have begun to worsen due to the sharp decline in economic development and limited sources of income and employment indicators. Structural spatial changes of the tourist flow mainly in favor of domestic tourism are characterized by discreteness. In order to counteract the COVID-19 pandemic, international and domestic professional organizations have developed a number of recommendations for the organization of anti-epidemic measures in carrying out permitted activities, which include rules for receiving visitors and organizing the work of staff in offices, tourism, trade, catering establishments, etc. Adherence to medical and sanitary-epidemiological recommendations, self-discipline and self-organization, administration and education will accelerate recovery from systemic crisis the tourism industry, restore the functioning of tourism enterprises in the COVID-19 pandemic, prevent the spread of epidemiological diseases and infectious diseases among tourists and population, resumption of tourism on a qualitatively new service and information basis.

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The research focuses its analysis on the Electronic Government application in the ecuadorian public administration, taking into consideration the violation of the quality tenet inscribed in the Organic Administrative Code, a law that regulates the exercise of the administrative function of public sector institutions. The methodology used follows a qualitative, descriptive-documentary type route, under an exhaustive review of the Ecuadorian jurisprudential regulations that structure and sustain this document. Despite the fact in Ecuador there have been plans such as the Electronic Government 2018-2021, with the objective a procedure could affect the quality principle based on non-compliance. In summary, the need to integrate the Electronic Government in Ecuador, in order to have an efficient and competitive public administration, hoping to recover the legitimacy of the administration. Keywords: public administration, electronic government, quality principle, ICT’s. References [1]A. Naser, “Rol de las TIC en la gestión pública y en la planificación para un desarrollo sostenible en América Latina y el Caribe,” Santiago de Chile, 2014. [Online]. Available: https://www.cepal.org/sites/default/files/publication/files/35951/S1420470_es.pdf. [2]A. Ruiz, “Gestión de la gerencia tecnológica en la Administración Pública,” Rev. Sci., vol. 3, no. 10, pp. 218–231, 2019, doi: https://doi.org/10.29394/Scientific.issn.2542-2987.2018.3.10.11.218-231. [3]C. Zamora, N. Arrobo, and G. Cornejo, “El gobierno electrónico en Ecuador: la innovación en la administración pública,” Espacios, vol. 39, no. 6, p. 15, 2018,[Online]. Available: https://www.revistaespacios.com/a18v39n06/a18v39n06p15.pdf. [4]X. Barragan and F. Guevara, “El gobierno electrónico en Ecuador,” Rev. Cienc. Unemi, vol. 9, no. 19, pp.110–127, 2016, [Online]. Available: http://ojs.unemi.edu.ec/index.php/cienciaunemi/article/view/333. [5]CLAD, “Carta Iberoamericana Del Gobierno Electrónico,” Santiago de Chile, 2007. doi: https://clad.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/7-Carta-iberoamericana-de-Gobierno-Electrónico-2007-CLAD.pdf. [6]Asamblea Constituyente, “Constitución del Ecuador,” Montecristi, 2008. [7]MINTEL, “Plan Nacional de Gobierno Electrónico 2018-2021,” Quito, 2018. [Online]. Available: www.gobiernoelectronico.gob.ec. [8]L. Contreras, “El gobierno electrónico municipal en Toluca, Estado de México, desde la perspectiva ciudadana,” Encrucijada, Rev. Electrónica del Cent. Estud. en Adm. Pública, no. 28, pp. 37–59, 2018, doi: 10.22201/fcpys.20071949e.2018.28.61721. [9]J. Franco and C. Cruz, “Gobierno electrónico, calidad y eficiencia en la relación G2C en el estado de Oaxaca, 2011-2015,” Encrucijada, Rev. Electrónica del Cent. Estud. en Adm. Pública, no. 30, pp. 25–54, 2018, doi: 10.22201/fcpys.20071949e.2018.30.65678. [10]C. Cruz Meléndez and A. Zamudio Vázquez, “Municipios y gobierno abierto, más allá del gobierno electrónico,” Opera, no. 21, pp. 55–77, 2017, doi: 10.18601/16578651.n21.04. [11]X. Barragán, “Factores de incidencia del gobierno electrónico en los procesos de transparencia y participación ciudadana en la gestión pública local del Ecuador,” Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, 2019. [12]Y. Stable, E. Álvarez, L. Bernal, and C. Sam, “Estado de la accesibilidad web de los portales de gobierno electrónico en América Latina,” Bibl. An. Investig., vol. 16, no. 1, pp. 7–22, 2020. [13]ONU, “E-Government Survey 2020. Digital Government in the Decade of Action for Sustainable Development,” New York, 2020. [Online]. Available: www.publicadministration.un.org. [14]Gobierno Electrónico de Ecuador, “Ecuador escala posiciones en el ranking mundial sobre el desarrollo del Gobierno Electrónico,” 2021. https://www.gobiernoelectronico.gob.ec/ecuador-escala-posiciones-en-el-ranking-mundial-sobre-el-desarrollo-del-gobierno-electronico/#:~:text=Según revela el informe “E,rango de 0 a 1. [15]Asamblea Nacional, Constitución del Ecuador. Ecuador, 2008, pp. 1–218. [16]Congreso Nacional, Ley de Comercio Electronico, Firmas y mensajes de datos. Ecuador, 2002, pp. 1–17. [17]Asamblea Nacional, Codigo Organico de Organizacion Territorial Desentralizado. Ecuador, 2019, pp. 1–180. [18]Congreso Nacional, Ley Orgánica de Transparencia y Acceso a la Información Pública. Ecuador, 2004, pp. 1–13. [19]Asamblea Nacional, Ley Orgánica de Participación Ciudadana. Quito, Ecuador, 2011, pp. 1–25. [20]Asamblea Nacional, Ley Orgánica de Telecomunicaciones. Ecuador, 2015, pp. 1–40. [21]Asamblea Nacional, Código Orgánico de la Economía Social de los Conocimientos, Creatividad e Innovación. Ecuador, 2016, p. 113. [22]Asamblea Nacional, Codigo Orgánico Administrativo. Ecuador, 2017, pp. 1–74. [23]Ministerio del Trabajo, Norma Técnica para regular el Teletrabajo en el sector público. Ecuador, 2017, pp.1–8. [24]Asamblea Nacional, Políticas Públicas del Sector de las Telecomunicaciones y de la Sociedad de la Información 2017-2021. 2017, pp. 1–32. [25]M. Sánchez Morón, “La coordinación administrativa como concepto jurídico,” Doc. Adm., vol. 231, 2016, doi: 10.24965/da.v0i230-231.5284. [26]M. Baquerizo, “Mecanismos de seguimiento de la Convención Interamericana contra la corrupción en el Estado ecuatoriano para la contratación pública,” 2019. [27]C. Espín, “Vulnerabilidad en el ámbito de la capacidad contractual del Sistema Nacional de Contratación Pública y de su procedimiento,” 2016. [28]W. Chamorro, “Análisis jurídico sobre la subasta inversa elentrónica en el proceso de contratación pública,” 2019. [29]J. González Tamayo, “El régimen ecuatoriano de contratación pública: entre el proteccionismo y la apertura comercial,” Rev. Derecho, vol. 25, no. 25, pp.5–26, 2016. [30]R. Hernández-Sampieri and C. Mendoza, Metodología de la Investigación, Primera ed., vol. 1. Mexico, 2018. [31]D. Clavijo, D. Guerra, and D. Yánez, Método, metodología y técnicas de la investigación aplicada al derecho, Primera ed. Bogotá: Universidad de Pamplona,2014. [32]C. López Leones, “La contratación pública y su impacto en la gestión de las MIPYMES de Manabí, Ecuador,” La contratación pública y su impacto en la gestión las MIPYMES Manabí, Ecuador, vol. 4, no. 1, pp. 3–16, 2018. [33]Asamblea Nacional, Constitución del Ecuador, vol. 449, no. Principios de la participación Art. 2008, p. 67. [34]F. Ejecutiva, Registro Oficial N ° 146. 2013. [35]J. S. Miguel-Giralt, “Contratación pública y colusión. Derecho de competencia frente al derecho administrativo,”Vniversitas, vol. 66, no. 135, pp. 377–420,2017, doi: 10.11144/Javeriana.vj135.cpcd. [36]N. Chiriboga, “Análisis jurídico del régimen especial de contratación pública en el ámbito de la comunicación social en el Ecuador,” 2018. [37]J. González, “Régimen jurídico del nuevo sistema de contratación pública ecuatoriano en el contexto internacional,” 2016. [38]J. Torres, “La teoría del Garantismo poder y constitución en el Estado contemporáneo,” Rev. Derecho, vol. unknown, no. 47, pp. 138–166, 2017. [39]A. Santiago, “Sesión privada del Instituto de Política Constitucional del 3 de abril de 2008,” An. la Acad. Nac. ciencias morales y políticas, vol. 1, pp. 8–26, 2008. [40]G. Aguilera Izaguirre, “La calidad y su incorporación en la Administración Pública,” Soc. Estado y Territ., vol. 3, no. 1 (5), pp. 82–98, 2017. [41]E. J. Arnoletto, “La calidad en la administración pública,” Univ. Córdoba, 2017. [42]M. Villoria, “El papel de la Administración pública en la generación de calidad democrática,” Reforma y Democr., vol. 2016-June, no. 65, pp. 5–38, 2016. [43]A. ARGÜELLES, “Calidad total en la administración pública: la experiencia de SECOFI,” Gest. y Polit. publica, vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 431–451, 2017. [44]J. Escobar, M. Real, P. González, and A. Casco, “Manuales de Pprocedimientos en la Administración Pública. Garantías de Cumplimiento de los PrincipiosConstitucionales.,” Rev. Mag. las Ciencias, vol. 2, pp. 1–12, 2017. [45]J. R. Granados, “El principio de transparencia en la actividad contractual de la administración pública. Especial referencia a la administración local.,” 2018.

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The aim of this study was to describe the international academic mobility experienced by the Fishing Engineering students in other countries. The data was collected through an electronic semi-structured questionnaire hosted on an electronic platform by Google. A total of nine students answered the questionnaire, in which they chose countries such as France, Spain, Ireland, Canada, the United States and Australia to study abroad in. The student’s satisfaction with the Science without Borders Program (SwB) was extremely positive, where all the interviewees stated that they had learned the language from the hosting country. In relation to the negative aspects, 67% of the interviewees pointed out that they struggled to understand the language in the beginning of the academic mobility, and 78% of the students said that they missed their families during the student mobility period. In conclusion, the academic mobility performed by students from the Fishing Engineering course was rated as excellent, and as a unique and an enriching opportunity, both in professional and personal aspects.ResumoO trabalho teve como objetivo discutir sobre a mobilidade acadêmica vivenciada por estudantes de Engenharia de Pesca em outros países. A coleta de dados foi feita através de um questionário eletrônico semiestruturado, hospedado em uma plataforma eletrônica de formulários da Google. Um total de nove discentes respondeu ao questionário, realizando a mobilidade na França, Espanha, Irlanda, Canadá, Estados Unidos e Austrália. A satisfação dos estudantes com o Programa Ciência sem Fronteiras (CsF) foi positiva, todos os entrevistados afirmaram terem aprendido o idioma do país que escolheram. Em relação aos aspectos negativos, 67% dos entrevistados apontaram que tiveram dificuldades no entendimento do idioma do país no início da mobilidade acadêmica e 78% sentiram saudade da família no período da mobilidade. Concluindo, a mobilidade acadêmica realizada por discentes do Curso de Engenharia de Pesca foi classificada como excelente, sendo uma experiência única e enriquecedora tanto pelo lado profissional, quanto pessoal.Palavras-chave: Educação, Aprendizado, Internacionalização, Programa Ciência sem Fronteiras.Keywords: Education, Learning, Internationalization.ReferencesALTBACH, P. G. Comparative Higher Education: Knowledge, the University, and Development. Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong, p. 240, 1998.ANDRADE, B. P. S. O “Ciência sem Fronteiras” pelo olhar da comunidade acadêmica: O caso da Unifal-mg e da Unifei. 2018. 185f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Divulgação Científica e Cultural). Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos de Linguagem, Campinas, SP, 2018. AVEIRO, T. M. M. O programa Ciência sem Fronteiras como ferramenta de acesso à mobilidade internacional. Tear: Revista de Educação Ciência e Tecnologia, Canoas, v.3, n.2, 2014.BEINE, M.; NOEL, R.; RAGOT, L. Determinants of the international mobility of students. Economics of Education Review, mar. 2014. BETT, D. B. Jovens universitários e intercâmbio acadêmico. 2012. 34f. Monografia (Especialização em Psicologia terminalidade em Terapia Cognitiva e Comportamental). Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Instituto de Psicologia, Porto Alegre, 2012.BRASIL. Decreto n.° 7.642, de 13 de dezembro de 2011, Institui o Programa Ciência sem Fronteiras. Diário Oficial da República Federativa do Brasil, Brasília, DF, n. 239, p. 7, seção1, 14 dez. 2011a.BRASIL. Ministério da Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação. Ministério da Educação. Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior. Programa Ciência sem Fronteiras: um programa especial de mobilidade internacional em ciência, tecnologia e inovação. Documento Conjunto CAPES-CNPq. Julho, 2011b. 67p. Disponível em: http://www.capes.gov.br/images/stories/download/ Ciencia-sem Fronteiras_DocumentoCompleto_julho2011.pdfBRASIL. Ministério Da Ciência Tecnologia e Inovação. Estratégia Nacional de Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação 2012 – 2015: Balanço das Atividades Estruturantes de 2011. Brasília, DF, 2012. Disponível em: https://livroaberto.ibict.br/218981.pdf . Acesso em: 25 abr. 2018.BRASIL. Programa Ciência sem Fronteiras. Dados Chamadas Graduação Sanduíche 2011-2014. Brasília, 2014. Disponível em: http://www.cienciasemfronteiras.gov.br/web/csf/dados-chamadas-graduacao-sanduiche. Acesso em: 21 abr. 2018.BRASIL. Programa Ciência sem Fronteiras. Painel de Controle do Programa 2016. 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Проведен анализ морфологического и функционального состояния ряда важнейших систем организма экспериментальных животных (белых беспородных мышей) и их потомства на фоне длительного регулярного поступления в организм продуктов, содержащих токсические агенты в виде продуктов разложения химических соединений (радиолиза). Моделирование экологического воздействия на организм было осуществлено путем длительного регулярного кормления животных и их потомков зерном озимой пшеницs, которое было подвергнуто гамма-облучению в дозе 400 Гр с 1-10-суточным хранением после облучения. У подвергнутых воздействию животных изучали развитие адаптивной реакции системы крови, регуляции и активности ферментов антиоксидантной защиты (состояние прооксидантно-антиоксидантной системы ПРОАС), репродуктивной системы, нестабильности генома и формирование адаптаций к используемому токсическому фактору. Исследования показали, что у животных и их потомства первого поколения (F1) существенных изменений в системе крови и других исследуемых системах не обнаружено. Однако, в соответствии с данными, полученными в ходе дальнейшего эксперимента, у животных второго поколения (F2), получавших в рационе облученное зерно с 1-суточным сроком хранения выявляются отклонения гематологических показателей, уменьшение относительной массы внутренних органов, увеличение содержания РБФ-продуктов с одновременным снижением активности антиоксидантного фермента супероксиддисмутазы и повышением процессов мутагенеза. Включение в рацион потомков второго поколения (F2) антимутагенного препарата (активной кормовой добавки, содержащей в своем составе пропионовокислые бактерии) привело к снижению выраженности гемотоксического, метаболического и мутагенетического процессов, а также способствовало адаптации организма к экотоксическому фактору. 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The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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Abstract Introduction In July 2018, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development passed a rule requiring public housing authorities to implement smoke-free housing (SFH) policies. We measured secondhand smoke (SHS) exposure immediately before, and repeatedly up to 36 months post-SFH policy implementation in a purposeful sample of 21 New York City (NYC) high-rise buildings (&gt;15 floors): 10 NYC Housing Authority (NYCHA) buildings subject to the policy and 11 privately managed buildings in which most residents received housing vouchers (herein ‘Section 8’). Methods We invited participants from non-smoking households (NYCHA n=157, Section 8 n=118) to enroll into a longitudinal air monitoring study, measuring (1) nicotine concentration with passive, bi-sulfate-coated filters, and (2) particulate matter (PM2.5) with low-cost particle sensors. We also measured nicotine concentrations and counted cigarette butts in common areas (n=91 stairwells and hallways). We repeated air monitoring sessions in households and common areas every 6 months, totaling six post-policy sessions. Results After three years, we observed larger declines in nicotine concentration in NYCHA hallways than in Section 8, [difference-in-difference (DID) = -1.92 µg/m 3 (95% CI –2.98, -0.87), p=0.001]. In stairwells, nicotine concentration declines were larger in NYCHA buildings, but the differences were not statistically significant [DID= -1.10 µg/m 3 (95% CI -2.40, 0.18), p=0.089]. In households, there was no differential change in nicotine concentration (p=0.093) or in PM2.5 levels (p=0.385). Conclusions Nicotine concentration reductions in NYCHA common areas over three years may be attributable to the SFH policy, reflecting its gradual implementation over this time. Implications Continued air monitoring over multiple years has demonstrated that SHS exposure may be declining more rapidly in NYCHA common areas as a result of SFH policy adherence. This may have positive implications for improved health outcomes among those living in public housing, but additional tracking of air quality and studies of health outcomes are needed. Ongoing efforts by NYCHA to integrate the SFH policy into wider healthier-homes initiatives may increase policy compliance.

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Background: Research exploring associations between exposure to social determinants of health and breastfeeding is needed to identify breastfeeding barriers. Housing insecurity and household conditions (chaos and crowding) may affect breastfeeding by increasing maternal stress and discomfort and decreasing time available to breastfeed. Research Aim: We aimed to examine the relationships between housing insecurity, breastfeeding exclusivity intention during the early postnatal period, and breastfeeding exclusivity at 6 months postpartum among a sample “at risk” for suboptimal breastfeeding rates. Methods: This study is a secondary data analysis of a longitudinal study at two time periods. Data were collected from English- and Spanish-speaking, Medicaid-eligible mother-infant dyads ( N = 361) at near-birth and child aged 6 months, in New York City and Pittsburgh. Structural equation modeling was used to examine direct and indirect effects of housing insecurity on breastfeeding exclusivity at child aged 6 months. Results: The path model showed that experiencing more markers of housing insecurity (i.e., foreclosure/eviction threat, history of homelessness, late rent) was predictive of significantly lower breastfeeding exclusivity at 6 months. This was partially mediated through less exclusive breastfeeding intention during the early postnatal period. Greater household crowding was associated with 6-month breastfeeding exclusivity when mediated by intention. Household crowding had differential effects by study site and participant race/ethnicity. Conclusion: Refinement of housing insecurity as a multi-dimensional construct can lead to the development of standardized data collection instruments, inform future methodological decisions in research addressing social determinants of health, and can inform the development of responsive individual- and structural-level interventions. The data used in this study were collected as part of the SMART Beginnings Randomized Controlled Trial (NCT02459327 registered at ClinicalTrials.gov).

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Research has examined how the food environment affects the risk of cardiovascular disease (CVD). Many studies have focused on residential neighbourhoods, neglecting the activity spaces of individuals. The objective of this study was to investigate whether food environments in both residential and global positioning system (GPS)-defined activity space buffers are associated with body mass index (BMI) and blood pressure (BP) among low-income adults. Data came from the New York City Low Income Housing, Neighborhoods and Health Study, including BMI and BP data (n=102, age=39.3±14.1 years), and one week of GPS data. Five food environment variables around residential and GPS buffers included: fast-food restaurants, wait-service restaurants, corner stores, grocery stores, and supermarkets. We examined associations between food environments and BMI, systolic and diastolic BP, controlling for individual- and neighbourhood-level sociodemographics and population density. Within residential buffers, a higher grocery store density was associated with lower BMI (β=- 0.20 kg/m2, P<0.05), and systolic and diastolic BP (β =-1.16 mm Hg; and β=-1.02 mm Hg, P<0.01, respectively). In contrast, a higher supermarket density was associated with higher systolic and diastolic BP (β=1.74 mm Hg, P<0.05; and β=1.68, P<0.01, respectively) within residential buffers. In GPS neighbourhoods, no associations were documented. Examining how food environments are associated with CVD risk and how differences in relationships vary by buffer types have the potential to shed light on determinants of CVD risk. Further research is needed to investigate these relationships, including refined measures of spatial accessibility/exposure, considering individual’s mobility.

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The issue of the relationship between private property and common property has engaged both legal and economic scholars in a long series of controversies over the meaning, the sequence of development, and the superiority of private vs. common property. The issues debated relate to the efficiency, equity and sustainability of private property as contrasted to common property. Many scholars think of contemporary examples of common property as remnants of the past, likely to disappear during the twenty-first century. Recent research, however, has challenged the presumption that private property is necessarily superior to common property. Keywords: Private property, common property, open access regimes. References: [1] Grossi, Paolo (1981), An Alternative to Private Property; Collective Property in the Juridical Consciousness of the Nineteenth Century, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.[2] Maine, Henry Sumner (1963), Ancient Law: Its Connection with the Early History of Society and its Relation to Modern Ideas; With Introduction and Notes by Frederick Pollack, Boston: Beacon Press (reprint of 1861 ed.), p. 252.[3] North, Douglass C. and Robert Paul Thomas (1976), The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History, London: Cambridge University Press.[4] North, C. Douglass, L. Terry Anderson, and J. Peter Hill (1983), Growth and Welfare in the American Past: A New Economic History, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.[5] W.P. Welch, “The political feasibility of full ownership property rights: The cases of pollution and fisheries”, Policy Sciences, (1983), 16, 165-80.[6] Ostrom, Vincent, The Intellectual Crisis in American Public Administration, 3rd ed., Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press (2008).[7] North, C. Douglass, Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance, New York: Cambridge University Press (1990).[8] Elinor Ostrom and Charlotte Hess, Private and Common Property Rights, Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis, Indiana University, 29/11/2007, https://surface.syr.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1024&context=sul (truy cập lần cuối: 31/03/2019).[9] Ciriacy-Wantrup, V. Siegfried and C. Richard. Bishop (1975), “Common property” as a concept in natural resource policy, Natural Resources Journal, 15, 713-727.[10] Báo Pháp luật (điện tử): https://plo.vn/thoi-su/dai-bieu-lo-dan-het-duoc-tu-do-tam-bien-o-phu-quoc-774398.html (truy cập lần cuối: 05/04/2019).[11] Báo Tuổi Trẻ (điện tử): https://tuoitre.vn/khong-the-chap-nhan-tinh-trang-lay-bien-lam-cua-rieng-2018110711421466.htm (truy cập lần cuối: 05/04/2019.[12] Dales, H. John (1968), Pollution, Property, and Prices: An Essay in Policy-Making and Economics, Toronto: University of Toronto Press.[13] Higgs, Robert (1996), “Legally induced technical regress in the Washington salmon fishery”, in L. J. Alston, Thráinn Eggertsson, and Douglass North (eds), Empirical Studies in Institutional Change, New York: Cambridge University Press.[14] Johnson, N. Ronald and D. Gary Libecap (1982), “Contracting problems and regulation: The case of the fishery”, American Economic Review, 72, 1005-1022.[15] Wiersma, L. Lindsey (2005), “Indigenous lands as cultural property: A new approach to indigenous land claims”, Duke Law Journal, 54, 1061-1088.[16] Ostrom, Vincent and Elinor Ostrom (1977), “A theory for institutional analysis of common pool problems”, in Garrett Hardin and John Baden (eds), Managing the Commons, San Francisco, CA: W. H. Freeman, pp. 157-172.[17] Ostrom, Elinor, Roy Gardner, and James M. Walker (1994), Rules, Games, and Common-Pool Resources, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.[18] Feeny, David, Fikret Berkes, Bonnie J. McCay, and James M. Acheson (1990), “The tragedy of the commons: Twenty-two years later”, Human Ecology, 18, 1-19.[19] Bromley, Daniel W. (1992), “The commons, common property, and environmental policy”, 2 Environmental and Resource Economics, 1-17.[20] Singh, Katar (1994), Managing Common Pool Resources: Principles and Case Studies, New Delhi: Oxford University Press. [21] Singh, Katar and Vishwa Ballabh (1996), Cooperative Management of Natural Resources, New Delhi: Sage.[22] Blomquist, William and Elinor Ostrom (1985), “Institutional capacity and the resolution of a commons dilemma”, Policy Studies Review, 5, 383-393.[23] Lueck, Dean (1995), “The rule of first possession and the design of the law”, Journal of Law and Economics, 38, 393-436.[24] Ghoshal, Sumantra and Peter Moran (1996), “Bad for practice: A critique of the transaction cost theory”, Academy of Management Review, 21, 13-47.[25] Putterman, Louis (1995), Markets, hierarchies, and information: On a paradox in the economics of organization”, Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, 26, 373-390.[26] Seabright, Paul (1993), “Managing local commons: Theoretical issues in incentive design”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 7, 113-134.

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Objective-to evaluate the impact of the School-Based Asthma Therapy trial on asthma symptoms among urban children with persistent asthma. Design-Randomized trial, with children stratified by smoke exposure in the home and randomized to a school-based care group or a usual care control group. Setting-Rochester, New York. ParticipantsChildren aged 3 to 10 years with persistent asthma. Interventions-Directly observed administration of daily preventive asthma medications by school nurses (with dose adjustments according to National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute Expert Panel guidelines) and a home-based environmental tobacco smoke reduction program for smoke-exposed children, using motivational interviewing. Main Outcome Measure-Mean number of symptom-free days per 2 weeks during the peak winter season (November-February), assessed by blinded interviews. Results-We enrolled 530 children (74% participation rate). During the peak winter season, children receiving preventive medications through school had significantly more symptom-free days compared with children in the control group (adjusted difference=0.92 days per 2 weeks;95% confidence interval, 0.50-1.33) and also had fewer nighttime symptoms, less rescue medication use, and fewer days with limited activity (all P<.01). Children in the treatment group also were less likely than those in the control group to have an exacerbation requiring treatment with prednisone (12% Vs 18%, respectively; relative risk=0.64; 95% confidence interval, 0.41-1.00). Stratified analyses showed positive intervention effects even for children with smoke exposure (n=285; mean symptom-free days per 2 weeks: 11.6 for children in the treatment group Vs 10.9 for those in the control group; difference=0.96 days per 2 weeks; 95% confidence interval, 0.39-1.52).Conclusions-The School-Based Asthma Therapy intervention significantly improved symptoms among urban children with persistent asthma. This program could serve as a model for improved asthma care in urban communities.

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Abstract: Nowadays, Vietnamese women are participating actively in parts of the economy that were previously deemed male domain. Women are involved in business activities at all levels in Vietnam, making significant contributions to the economic development of the country. By December 2011, there were 81,226 small and medium enterprises headed by women, accounting for 25% of the total number of enterprises in the country (GSO, 2013). In Vietnam, despite recent economic development, socio-cultural and legal barriers are still very difficult for women since the general perception in society is that a woman’s main duty is to be a good housewife and mother and they are also often perceived as weak, passive and irrational (VWEC, 2007). Even though the studies related to women entrepreneurship development are quite extensive, amongst them only a limited number of researches on the role of legal and socio - cultural barriers on women entrepreneurs in the context of Vietnam have been investigated. Thus, supported by the World Trade Institute (WTI) in Bern, Switzerland, the researchers have chosen this as the subject of this study. Based on a quantitative survey of 110 companies in Hanoi and adjacent areas, the research has taken legal and socio - cultural barriers and explored their effect on the development of women entrepreneurship in the context of Vietnam in order to indicate how women entrepreneurs perceive the impact of socio-cultural factors, economic impacts, and policy reforms on their entrepreneurial situations and initiatives, and to then provide policy implications for promoting women’s entrepreneurship and gender equality in Vietnam. Keywords Entrepreneurship, female entrepreneurs, gender equality, Vietnam References Acs, Z. & Varga, A. (2005) ‘Entrepreneurship, agglomeration and technological change’, Small Business Economics, 24, 323---334. Avin, R.M & Kinney, L.P (2014). Trends in Female Entrepreneurship in Vietnam Preliminary paper presented at the 23th Annual Conference on Feminist Economics sponsored by IAFFE, University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana, June 27-29, 2014.Avin, R.-M., & Kinney, L. P. (2014) ‘Trends in Women entrepreneurship in Vietnam’, 23rd Annual Conference on Feminist Economics, Ghana: 27 – 29 June.Bruton, G. D., Ahlstrom, D., & Obloj, K. (2008). Entrepreneurship in emerging economies: where are we today and where should the research go in the future. Entrepreneurship: Theory and Practice, 32(1), 1–14.Bunck, J. M. (1997) Women and Post Cold War Socialism: the cases of Cuba and Vietnam, 7th Annual Meeting, Association for the Study of Cuban Economy, University of Miami, Knight Center, Hyatt Hotel, August 7-9 1997 Central Population and Housing Census Steering Committee (2010), The 2009 Vietnam Population and Housing Census: Completed Results, Statistical Publishing House, available at: http://vietnam.unfpa.org/webdav/site/vietnam/shared/Census%20publications/3_Completed-Results.pdf Chari, M. D., & Dixit, J. (2015). Business groups and entrepreneurship in developing countries after reforms. Journal Of Business Research,68, 1359-1366.Djankov, S. , R. L. Porta , F. Lopez-de-Silanes and A. Schleifer (2002) The Regulation of Entry, Quarterly Journal of Economics CXVII (1): 1-37Food and Agricultural Organisation and United Nations Development Programme (2002) ‘Gender Differences in the Transitional Economy of Vietnam: Key Gender Findings – Second Vietnam Living Standards Survey, 1997 – 1998’. Vietnam: Food and Agricultural Organisation and United Nations Development Programme. Available at: http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/ac685e/ac685e00.htm [Accessed 7 December 2015].Fuentelsaz, L., González, C., Maícas, J., & Montero, J. (2015). ‘How different formal institutions affect opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship’. Business Research Quarterly, 18(4), 246-258. Gallup, J (2004) The wage labor market and inequality in Vietnam. In Economic growth, poverty, and household welfare in Vietnam edited by Paul Glewwe, Nisha Agrawal, and David Dollar. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank.General Statistics Office of Vietnam (GSO) (2014), Population and employment Report 2014Global Entrepreneurship Monitor. (2013). Vietnam report 2013. United Kingdom. Retrieved from: www.gemconsortium.orgHampel-Milagrosa, A., Pham, H., Nguyen, Q., and Nguyen, T. (2010) ‘Gender-Related Obstacles to Vietnamese Women Entrepreneurs’. Vietnam: United Nations Industrial Development Organisation and Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Available at: http://www.un.org.vn/en/publications/publications-by-agency/doc_details/294-gender-related-obstacles-to-vietnamese-women-entrepreneurs. html [Accessed 7 December 2015].Hang, T.T.T. (2008), “Women’s leadership in Vietnam: opportunities and challenges”, Signs, Vol. 34 No. 1, pp. 16-21. Hirschman, C. and V. M. Loi (1996) Family and Household Structure in Vietnam: Some glimpses from a recent survey, Pacific Affairs Vol 69 (No. 2 (Summer 1996)): 229-249Hoang, B.T. (2010), “Rural employment and life: challenges to gender roles in Vietnam’s agriculture at present”, paper presented at the FAO-IFAD-ILO Workshop on Gaps, Trends and Current Research in Gender Dimensions of Agricultural and Rural Employment: Differentiated Pathways Out of Poverty Rome, 31 March-2 April 2009, available at: www.fao-ilo.org/fileadmin/user_upload/fao_ilo/pdf/Papers/16_march/Thinh_final.pdf Hoang, C., Hoang, C.L.T.S, Nguyen, T.P.C, Ngo, T.P.L, Tran, T.N, Vu, T.L (2013), The women’s access to land in contemporary Vietnam. UNDP Report 2013Hoskisson, R. E., Eden, L., Lau, C.M., &Wright, M. (2000). Strategy in emerging economies. Academy of Management Journal, 43(3), 249–267.ILO (2011) ‘Creation of an enabling environment for women entrepreneur in Vietnam: Mainstreaming gender issues in government policy on enterprise development’, Hanoi.International Finance Corporation (2006) A National Survey of Women Business Owners in Vietnam. Joint survey with Gender and Entrepreneurship Markets (GEM) and the Mekong Private Sector Development Facility (MPDF), Washington, DC, IFCInternational Labour Organisation (2007) ‘Women’s Entrepreneurship Development in Vietnam’. Vietnam: International Labour Organisation.International Labour Organization and the Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs of Vietnam (2010), The Informal Economy in Vietnam, ILO/MOLISA, Hanoi.Kibria, N. (1990) Power Patriarchy and Gender Conflict in the Vietnamese Immigrant Community, Gender and Society Vol 4 (No 1 (March 1990)): 9-24 Luke, N. , S. R. Schuler , B. T. T. Mai , P. V. Thien and T. H. Minh (2007) Exploring Couple Attributes and Attitudes and Marital Violence in Vietnam, New York, Sage PublicationsMai thi Thanh Thai, Nguyen Hoang Anh (2016): The impact of culture on the creation of enterprises (2016), Journal for International Business and Entrepreneurship Development, Vol.9, No.1, pp.1 – 22McChesney, F. (1987) Rent extraction and rent creation in the economic theory of regulation, Journal of Legal Studies 16 de Soto, H. (2000) The Mystery of Capital: Why capitalism Triumphs in the west and Fails everywhere Else, New York, Basic BooksMinniti, M. (2010) ‘Women entrepreneurship and Economic Activity’, European Journal of Development Research, 22, pp. 294 – 312.Nguyen, B. (2011) ‘The Changes of Women’s Position: The Vietnam Case’, International Journal of Innovative Interdisciplinary Research, 1, pp. 126 – 138.Nguyen, B. (2012) ‘Abortion in Present Day Vietnam’, International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 2 (1), pp. 56 – 61.Nguyen, C., Frederick, H., & Nguyen, H. (2014). Female entrepreneurship in rural Vietnam: An exploratory study. International Journal Of Gender And Entrepreneurship, 6(1), 50-67. Nijssen, E.J. (2014), Entrepreneurial Marketing: An Effectual Approach, Routledge, New York, NY.Raven, P., & Le, Q. (2015). Teaching business skills to women: Impact of business training on women’s microenterprise owners in Vietnam. International Journal Of Entrepreneurial Behaviour And Research, 21(4), 622-641. Rubio-Bañón, A., & Esteban-Lloret, N. (2015). Research article: Cultural factors and gender role in female entrepreneurship. Suma De Negocios Terrell, K., and Troilo, M. (2010) ‘Values and Women entrepreneurship’, International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship, 2 (3), pp. 260 – 286.Thanh, H.X., Anh, D.N. and Tacoli, C. (2005), “Livelihood diversification and rural-urban linkages in Vietnam’s red river delta”, Discussion Paper No. 193, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), available at: http://ideas.repec.org/p/fpr/fcnddp/193.htmlThe World Economic Forum (2015) ‘The Global Gender Gap Report 2015’. Switzerland: The World Economic Forum. Available at: http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2015/ [Accessed 8 December 2015].Thi, L. (1995) Doi Moi and female workers: a case study of Ha Noi, in: V. M. Moghadam (ed.), Economic reforms, women's employment and social politics, Helsinki, World Institute for Development Research Tien, P. N. (2010) Overarching view of Gender Equality in Vietnam”, 2010, Conference on Commemoration of International Women’s Day 2010, “Beijing + 15, Looking back, reaching forward, Gender Equality and Women Empowerment 15 years after the Fourth World Conference on Women, Ha Noi, 12 March 2010.United Nations Development Programme (2012) ‘Women’s Representation in Leadership in Vietnam’. Vietnam: United Nations Development Programme.United Nations Development Programme (2015) ‘Human Development Report 2014’. USA: United Nations Development Programme. Available at: http://hdr.undp. org/en/content/human-development-report-2014 [Accessed 10 December 2015].United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO). (2010). Gender related obstacles to Vietnamese Women Entrepreneurs. Vienna, Austria.Vietnam Women Entrepreneurs Council (2007) Women’s entrepreneurship development in Vietnam. International Labor Organization, Vietnam.Vuong, H., and Tran, D. (2009) ‘The Cultural Dimensions of the Vietnamese Private Entrepreneurship’, The IUP Journal of Entrepreneurship Development, 6 (3 & 4), pp. 54 – 78.VWEC (2007), Women’s Entrepreneurship Development in Vietnam, Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VCCI) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) Report, Vietnam Women Entrepreneurs Council, available at: www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@asia/@ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_100456.pdf Williamson, O. (2000) ‘The New Institutional Economics: Taking Stock, Looking ahead’, Economic Literature, 38, pp. 595 – 693.World Bank (2011a) ‘Vietnam Country Gender Assessment’. USA: World Bank. Available at: http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2011/11/15470188/vietnam-country-gender-assessment [Accessed 7 December 2015]. World Bank (2011b). Vietnam development report 2012: Market economy for a middle- income Vietnam, Washington DC: The World Bank.World Bank (2012), Vietnam Country Gender Assessment, World Bank Country Office, HanoiWorld Bank (2015), World Bank Database, Available at: http://data.worldbank.org/country/vietnam [Accessed 9 December 2015].World Development Indicators (WDI) (2012), The World Bank, Washington, DC.Zhu, L., Kara, O., Chu, H.M.,Chu, A. (2015), ‘Women entrepreneurship: Evidence from Vietnam’, Journal of Business and Entrepreneurship, vol. 26, no. 3, pp. 103-128 lity in Vietnam.

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ObjectiveTo analyze differences in utilization of Emergency Departments for primary care sensitive conditions by facility and by patient ZIP code.IntroductionSyndromic surveillance has been widely implemented for the collection of Emergency Department (ED) data. EDs may be the only option for seeking care in underserved areas, but they do not represent population-based measures. This analysis provides insight on health-seeking behaviors within the context of the type of care sought.MethodsThe NSSP BioSense database in Adminer was queried for Illinois ED visits that occurred in August 2016, November 2016, February 2017, or May 2017. These months were chosen to account for seasonality and holidays. For each visit, as defined by the BioSense ID, the first listed diagnosis code, defined to be the primary diagnosis, and the latest valid patient ZIP code were determined.Next, an algorithm1 developed by New York University (NYU) which uses diagnosis codes to classify ED visits was applied to each visit's primary diagnosis. With this algorithm, a percentage (possibly zero) of each visit was classified as primary care sensitive (PCS), where the percentage is based on the diagnosis code.The visits were tabulated to find the percentage of visits to each facility or from each ZIP code which were classified as PCS. (Visits whose diagnosis was not matched by the algorithm were excluded.) The relationships between the percentages of PCS visits in each facility or ZIP code and characteristics of the facilities or ZIP codes were then analyzed.Facilities were grouped by Critical Access Hospital (CAH) status2 and by location (within, or not within, a primary care Health Professional Shortage Area (HPSA), as determined using a tool from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services3). Percentages of PCS visits at different types of facilities were compared using t-tests.Variables reported in the Social Vulnerability Index (SVI)4 at the census tract level were converted to ZIP code-level data using a crosswalk from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development5. An ordinary least squares regression model in which these variables were used to predict the percentage of PCS visits in each ZIP code was fitted. The R package geoR6 was used to fit an additional model which accounted for spatial correlation across ZIP codes. In this model, ZCTA latitude and longitude coordinates from the U.S. Census7 were used as the ZIP codes' locations. Only ZIP codes for which the NYU algorithm matched diagnoses from at least 70% of visits were included in these models.ResultsThe overall proportion of PCS visits across all CAHs is significantly greater than the proportion at other facilities (p < 0.0001). Likewise, the proportion of PCS visits at facilities in primary care HPSAs is significantly greater than the proportion at other facilities (p < 0.0001). Among facilities for which the NYU algorithm matched diagnoses from at least 70% of visits, the mean percentage of PCS visits at facilities in primary care HPSAs is significantly higher than the mean at other facilities (p = 0.0009).The regression model for ZIP code-level data with spatial correlation was found to be better than the regression without spatial weighting. The spatial model found 3 of 16 SVI variables to be significant predictors of the percentage of ED visits which are PCS: after adjusting for all other variables, a one percentage point increase in minority makeup is associated with a 0.09 percentage point increase in PCS visits (p < 0.0001), a one percentage point increase in persons in group quarters is associated with a 0.13 percentage point decrease in PCS visits (p = 0.0009), and a $1000 increase in per capita income is associated with a 0.12 percentage point decrease in PCS visits (p = 0.0011).ConclusionsED-based syndromic surveillance can only provide part of the picture for monitoring health conditions across Illinois. Understanding rates of PCS ED visits can enhance the interpretation of health trends. Lower rates can inform recruiting plans for capturing data from additional sources, such as urgent or immediate care facilities, while higher rates of PCS visits at EDs may indicate areas in need of more healthcare resources.References1. New York University Center for Health and Public Service Research. Algorithm for classifying ED utilization. https://wagner.nyu.edu/faculty/billings/nyued-background . Datasets available from: http://wagner.nyu.edu/files/faculty/NYU_ED_Algorithm_-_ICD-9_Codes_-_6.23.15.xlsx and http://wagner.nyu.edu/files/faculty/NYU_ED_Algorithm_-_ICD-10_Codes_-_6.23.15.xlsx2. Illinois Health Facilities & Services Review Board. 2016 Hospital Data Spreadsheet [dataset on the Internet]. Available from: https://www.illinois.gov/sites/hfsrb/InventoriesData/FacilityProfiles/Documents/AHQ%20Data%20File%202016.xls3. U.S. Department of Health & Human Services. Health Resources & Services Administration Data Warehouse shortage area tool [Internet]. Available from: https://datawarehouse.hrsa.gov/tools/analyzers/geo/ShortageArea.aspx4. CDC Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry / Geospatial Research, Analysis, and Services Program. Social Vulnerability Index 2014 Database – Illinois tract text file [dataset on the Internet]. Available from: https://svi.cdc.gov/SVIDataToolsDownload.html5. U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. HUD USPS ZIP Code Crosswalk File: ZIP-TRACT, 2nd Quarter 2017 [dataset on the Internet]. Available from: https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/usps_crosswalk.html6. Ribeiro Jr PJ, Diggle PJ. geoR: Analysis of Geostatistical Data [computer software]. R package version 1.7-5.2. 2016. https://CRAN.R-project.org/package=geoR7. U.S. Census. 2010 ZIP Code Tabulation Areas Gazetteer File [dataset on the Internet]. Available from: https://www.census.gov/geo/maps-data/data/gazetteer2010.html

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Despite an increasing number of studies focusing on leadership at Vietnamese small and medium sized enteprises (SMEs), there is a lack of empirical research on collective leadership and development of effective top management team (TMT). The purpose of this paper is to review the literature with a view of characteristics forming an effective TMT. Taking the team effectiveness theory, upper echelons theory and behavioral theory of the firm, theoretical characteristics of effective TMT was created, and then an empirical research was conducted on a sample of 141 SMEs. The common characteristics of an effective TMT are identified, including shared vision, optimal team size, role clarity, age diversity, functional background diversity, regular communication, solidarity and collective decision making. The study makes several contributions to the existing literature on effective TMT development at SMEs. Keywords Collective leadership, top management team, effective top management team, SMEs References [1] G.S. Becker, A theoretical and empirical analysis, with special reference to education University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 3rd ed, 1993.[2] R.S. Peterson, D.B. Smith, P.V. Martorana, P.D. Owens, The impact of chief executive officer personality on top management team dynamics: One mechanism by which leadership affects organizational performance, Journal of Applied Psychology. 88 (2003) 795-808.[3] G. Yukl, Leadership and organizational learning: An evaluative essay, Leadership Quarterly. 20 (2009) 49-53.[4] R.M. Cyert, J.M. March, A Behavioral Theory of the Firm, CA, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1963.[5] D.C. Hambrick, P.A. Mason, Upper echelons: The organization as a reflection of its top managers, Academy of Management Review. 9 (1984) 193-106.[6] C.L. Pearce, The future of leadership development: The importance of identity, multi-level approaches, self-leadership, physical fitness, shared leadership, networking, creativity, emotions, spirituality and on-boarding processes, Human Resource Management Review. 17 (2007) 355-359.[7] R. Silzer, A.H. Church, Identifying and assessing high-potential talent: Current organizational practices, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, 2010.[8] Lê Quân, Nguyễn Quốc Khánh, Đánh giá năng lực giám đốc điều hành doanh nghiệp nhỏ Việt Nam qua mô hình ASK, Tạp chí Khoa học ĐHQGHN Chuyên san Kinh tế và Kinh doanh. 28 (2012) 29-35.[9] T. Porter-O’Grady, A different age for leadership, part 1: new context, new content, Journal of Nursing Administration. 33 (2003) 105-110.[10] P.G. Northouse, Leadership, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 6th ed, 2013.[11] C.L. Pearce, J.A. Conger, Shared leadership: Reframing the hows and whys of leadership, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2003, pp. 1-18.[12] J. Hauschildt, E. Kirchmann, Teamwork for innovation - the “troika” of promotors, R&D Management. 31 (2001) số trang đầu và cuối. [13] A. Mackey, The effect of CEOs on firm performance, Strategic Management Journal, 29 (2008) 1357-1367.[14] J. O’Toole, J. Galbraith, E.E. Lawler, When two (or more) heads are better than one: The promise and pitfalls of shared leadership, California Management Review. 44 (2002) 65-83.[15] G.A. Yukl, Leadership in organizations, Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 6th ed, 2006.[16] S. Finkelstein, D.C. Hambrick, Cannella A. A.Jr, Strategic leadership: Theory and research on executives, top management teams, and boards, Oxford University Press, New York, 2009.[17] M. Jensen, W. Meckling, Theory of the firm: managerial behavior, agency costs and ownership structure, Journal of Financial Economics, Amsterdam. 3 (1976) 305-360. [18] B.D. Baysinger, H.N. Butler, Corporate Governance and the Board of Directors: Performance Effects in Board Composition, Journal of Law, Economics and Organization. 1 1985) 101-124.[19] J.A. Pearce, S.A. Zahra, The relative power of CEOs and boards of directors, Strategic Management Journal. 12 (1991) 135-5.[20] Lê Quân, Lãnh đạo doanh nghiệp Việt Nam, NXB Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nội, Hà Nội, 2015.[21] C.A. Bowers, J.A. Pharmer, E. Salas, When member hom*ogeneity is needed in work teams - A metaanalysis, Small Group Research. 31 (2000) 305-327.[22] J. Andersen, Leadership, personality and effectiveness, The Journal of Socio-Economics. 35 (2006) 1078-1091.[23] D.C. Hambrick, P.A. Mason, Upper echelons: The organization as a reflection of its top managers, Academy of Management Review. 9 (1984) 193-106. [24] P.F. Drucker, The Effective Executive, HarperCollins, New York, 1967.[25] S.J. Zaccaro, A.L. Rittman, M.A. Marks, Team leadership, Leadership Quarterly. 12 (2001) 451-483.[26] M. Knockaert, E.S. Bjornali, T. Erikson, Joining forces: Top management team and board chair characteristics as antecedents of board service involvement, Journal of Business Venturing. 30 (2015) 420-435.[27] S.W.J. Kozlowski, B.S. Bell, Work groups and teams in organizations, Handbook of psychology: Industrial and organizational psychology. 12 (2003) 333-375.[28] S. Finkelstein, D.C. Hambrick, Cannella A. A.Jr. Strategic leadership: Theory and research on executives, top management teams, and boards, Oxford University Press, New York, 2009.[29] M. Jensen, W. Meckling, Theory of the firm: managerial behavior, agency costs and ownership structure, Journal of Financial Economics, Amsterdam. 3 (1976) 305-360.[30] J. Haleblian, S. Finkelstein, Top management team size, CEO dominance, and firm performance - The moderating roles of environmental turbulence and discretion, Academy of Management Journal. 36 (1993) 844-8633.[31] N.K. Alexander, K. Victoria, Board size and composition: The main tradeoffs, Corporate Board journal. 2(2006) 48-5.[32] E. Sundstrom, K.P. De Meuse, D. Futrell, Work Teams: Applications and Effectiveness, American Psychologist, vol. 45, no. 2, 120-133 (Firth-Cozens, 1998).[33] Tihanyi, L., A.E. Ellstrand and C.M. Daily. (2000), Composition of the top management team and firm international diversification, Journal of Management. 26 (1990) 1157-1177.[34] J.B. Shaw, E. Barrett-Power, The effects of diversity on small work group processes and Performance, Human Relations. 51 (1998) 1307-1325.[35] K.A. Bantel, S.E. Jackson, Top Management and innovations in Banking: Does the composition of Top Management make a difference?, Strategic Management Journal. 10 (1989) 107-124.[36] M.J. Gelfand, D.P. Bhawuk, L. Nishii, D. Bechtold, Individualism and collectivism, In R. J. House, P. J. Hanges, M. Javidan, P.W. Dorfman, and V. Gupta (Eds.), Culture, leadership, and organizations: The GLOBE study of 62 cultures, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2004, pp. 437-512.[37] J.R. Hackman, Groups that Work (and Those That Don’t), Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, 1990.[38] M.A. West, Effective Teamwork, British Psychological Society, Leicester, 1994.[39] M.T. Brannick, C. Prince, An overview of team performance measuremen, Team performance assessment and measurement, Mahwah, New Jersey, 1997, pp. 3-16.[40] M.P. Rice, G.C. O’Conner, L.S. Peters, J.G. Morone, Managing Discontinuous Innovation, Research Technology Management. 41 (1998) 52-58.[41] A. Loxley, Collaboration in Health and Welfare, Jessica Kingsley Publishers, London, 1997.[42] T.F. Blechert, M.F. Christiansen, N. Kari, Intraprofessional Team Building, American Journal of Occupational Therapy. 41 (1987) 576-582.[43] R.S. Peterson, D.B. Smith, P.V. Martorana, P.D. Owens, The impact of chief executive officer personality on top management team dynamics: One mechanism by which leadership affects organizational performance, Journal of Applied Psychology. 88 (2003) 795-808.[44] B.L. Kirkman, B. Rosen, Powering up teams, Organizational Dynamics. 28 (2000) 48-66.[45] M. Payne, Working in Teams, The Macmillan Press, London, 1982.[46] J.R. Hackman, N. Vidmar, Effects of size and task type on group performance and member reactions, Sociometry. 33 (1970) 37-54.

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The aims of this systematic review are to provide knowledge concerning population pharmaco*kinetics of isoniazid (INH) and to identify factors influencing INH pharmaco*kinetic variability. Pubmed and Embase databases were systematically searched from inception to July, 2017. Relevant articles from reference lists were also included. All population pharmaco*kinetic studies of INH written in English, conducted in human (either healthy subjects or pulmonary tuberculosis patients) were included in this review. Ten studies were included in this review. Most studies characterized a two-compartment model with first-order kinetics for INH with a transit-compartment model for absorption suggested. Frequently reported significant predictors for INH clearance is NAT2 acetylator types (slow/intermediate/fast), while weight is a significant covariate for INH volume of distribution (both central and peripheral). In children, enzyme maturation had a profound affect on INH clearance. Keywords: Population pharmaco*kinetics, Isoniazid. References [1] World Health Organization, Global Tuberculosis Report 2019. https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/329368/9789241565714-eng.pdf (accessed 18 December 2019).[2] United Nations, Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for sustainable development, New York, USA, 2015.[3] K. Takayama, L. Wang, H.L. David, Effect of isoniazid on the in vivo mycolic acid synthesis, cell growth, and viability of Mycobacterium tuberculosis, Antimicrob Agents Chemother 2.1 (1972) 29-35. https://doi.org/10.1128/aac.2.1.29 [4] A. Jindani, V.R. Aber, E. A. Edwards, D. A. Mitchison, The early bactericidal activity of drugs in patients with pulmonary tuberculosis. Am Rev Respir Dis 121(6) (1980) 939-49. https://doi.org/10.1164/arrd.1980.121.6.939 [5] P.R. Donald, The influence of human N-acetyltransferase genotype on the early bactericidal activity of isoniazid. Clin Infect Dis 39(10) (2004) 1425-30. https://doi.org/10.1086/424999 [6] D.A. Mitchison, Basic mechanisms of chemotherapy, Chest 76(6 Suppl) (1979) 771-81. https://doi.org/10.1378/chest.76.6_supplement.771 [7] H. McIlleron et al., Determinants of rifampin, isoniazid, pyrazinamide, and ethambutol pharmaco*kinetics in a cohort of tuberculosis patients, Antimicrob Agents Chemother 50(4) (2006) 1170-7. https://doi.org/10.1128/aac.50.4.1170-1177.2006 [8] S. Chideya et al., Isoniazid, rifampin, ethambutol, and pyrazinamide pharmaco*kinetics and treatment outcomes among a predominantly HIV-infected cohort of adults with tuberculosis from Botswana, Clin Infect Dis 48(12) (2009) 1685-94. https://doi.org/10.1086/599040 [9] N. Singh et al., Study of NAT2 gene polymorphisms in an Indian population: association with plasma isoniazid concentration in a cohort of tuberculosis patients. Mol Diagn Ther 13(1) (2009) 49-58. https://doi.org/10.1007/bf03256314 [10] N. Buchanan, C. Eyberg, M.D. Davis, Isoniazid pharmaco*kinetics in kwashiorkor. S Afr Med J 56(8) (1979) 299-300.[11] U.S. Food and Drug Administration (1999), "Guidance for Industry. Populationpharmaco*kinetics",Retrieved from http://www.fda.gov/downloads/Drugs/.../Guidances/UCM072137.pdf[12] D. R Mould, R. N. Upton, Basic concepts in population modeling, simulation, and model‐based drug development, CPT: pharmacometrics & systems pharmacology 1(9) (2012) 1-14. https://doi.org/10.1038/psp.2012.4 [13] P. Denti et al., Pharmaco*kinetics of isoniazid, pyrazinamide, and ethambutol in newly diagnosed pulmonary TB patients in Tanzania, PLoS ONE 10(10) (2015), e0141002. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0141002 [14] B. Guiastrennec et al., Suboptimal Antituberculosis Drug Concentrations and Outcomes in Small and HIV-Coinfected Children in India: Recommendations for Dose Modifications, Clin Pharmacol Ther 104(4) (2017), 733-741. https://doi.org/10.1002/cpt.987 [15] M. Kinzig-Schippers et al., Should we use N-acetyltransferase type 2 genotyping to personalize isoniazid doses?, Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy 49(5) (2005), 1733-1738. https://doi.org/10.1128/aac.49.5.1733-1738.2005 [16] J.J. Kiser et al., Isoniazid pharmaco*kinetics, pharmacodynamics, and dosing in South African infants, Therapeutic Drug Monitoring 34(4) (2012) 446-451. https://doi.org/10.1097/ftd.0b013e31825c4bc3 [17] L. Lalande, Population modeling and simulation study of the pharmaco*kinetics and antituberculosis pharmacodynamics of isoniazid in lungs, Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy 59(9) (2015) 5181-5189. https://doi.org/10.1128/aac.00462-15 [18] C. Magis-Escurra et al., Population pharmaco*kinetics and limited sampling strategy for first-line tuberculosis drugs and moxifloxacin, International Journal of Antimicrobial Agents 44(3) (2014) 229-234. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijantimicag.2014.04.019 [19] C.A. Peloquin et al., Population pharmaco*kinetic modeling of isoniazid, rifampin, and pyrazinamide, Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy 41(12) (1997) 2670-2679. https://doi.org/10.1128/aac.41.12.2670 [20] K.Y. Seng et al., Population pharmaco*kinetic analysis of isoniazid, acetylisoniazid, and isonicotinic acid in healthy volunteers, Antimicrobial Agents and Chemotherapy 59(11) (2015) 6791-6799. https://doi.org/10.1128/aac.01244-15 [21] J.J. Wilkins et al., Variability in the population pharmaco*kinetics of isoniazid in South African tuberculosis patients, British Journal of Clinical Pharmacology 72(1) (2011) 51-62. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2125.2011.03940.x [22] S.P. Zvada et al., Population pharmaco*kinetics of rifampicin, pyrazinamide and isoniazid in children with tuberculosis: In silico evaluation of currently recommended doses, Journal of Antimicrobial Chemotherapy 69(5) (2014) 1339-1349. https://doi.org/10.1093/jac/dkt524 [23] World Health Organization, Guidance for national tuberculosis programmes on the management of tuberculosis in children (No. WHO/HTM/TB/2014.03). World Health Organization, 2014.[24] World Health Organization, & Stop TB Initiative (World Health Organization), Treatment of tuberculosis: guidelines. World Health Organization, 2010.[25] J.S. Starke, S.M, Tuberculosis in: James D. Cherry, Ralph D. Feigin (Eds.), Textbook of Pediatric Infectious Diseases., Saunders: Philadelphia, 1998 pp. 1196-1238. [26] J.G. Pasipanodya, S. Srivastava, T. Gumbo, Meta-analysis of clinical studies supports the pharmaco*kinetic variability hypothesis for acquired drug resistance and failure of antituberculosis therapy, Clinical Infectious Diseases 55(2) (2012) 169-177. https://doi.org/10.1093/cid/cis353

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Every crisis at the same time reveals, forewarns and implies changes with cyclical trends that can be analyzed from different disciplinary perspectives, building scenarios to anticipate the future, despite uncertainties and risks. And the current crisis certainly appears as one of the most problematic of the modern era: recently, Luigi Ferrara, Director of the School of Design at the George Brown College in Toronto and of the connected Institute without Boundaries, highlighted how the pandemic has simply accelerated undergoing dynamics, exacerbating other crises – climatic, environmental, social, economic – which had already been going on for a long time both locally and globally. In the most economically developed contexts, from North America to Europe, the Covid emergency has led, for example, to the closure of almost 30% of the retail trade, as well as to the disposal and sale of many churches. Places of care and assistance, such as hospitals and elderly houses, have become places of death and isolation for over a year, or have been closed. At the same time, the pandemic has imposed the revolution of the remote working and education, which was heralded – without much success – more than twenty years ago. In these even contradictory dynamics, Ferrara sees many possibilities: new roles for stronger and more capable public institutions as well as the opportunity to rethink and redesign the built environment and the landscape. Last but not least, against a future that could be configured as dystopian, a unique chance to enable forms of citizenship and communities capable of inhabiting more sustainable, intelligent and ethical cities and territories; and architects capable of designing them. This multifactorial and pervasive crisis seems therefore to impose a deep review of the current unequal development models, in the perspective of that “creative destruction” that Schumpeter placed at the basis of the dynamic entrepreneurial push: «To produce means to combine materials and forces within our reach. To produce other things, or the same things by a different method, means to combine these materials and forces differently» (Schumpeter, 1912). A concept well suiting to the design practice as a response to social needs and improving the living conditions. This is the perspective of Architectural Technology, in its various forms, which has always placed the experimental method at the center of its action. As Eduardo Vittoria already pointed out: «The specific contribution of the technological project to the development of an industrial culture is aimed at balancing the emotional-aesthetic data of the design with the technical-productive data of the industry. Design becomes a place of convergence of ideas and skills related to factuality, based on a multidisciplinary intelligence» (Vittoria, 1999). A lucid and appropriate critique of the many formalistic emphases that have invested contemporary architecture. In the most acute phases of the pandemic, the radical nature of this polycrisis has been repeatedly invoked as a lever for an equally radical modification of the development models, for the definitive defeat of conjunctural and emergency modes of action. With particular reference to the Italian context, however, it seems improper to talk about a “change of models” – whether economic, social, productive or programming, rather than technological innovation – since in the national reality the models and reference systems prove to not to be actually structured. The current socio-economic and productive framework, and the political and planning actions themselves, are rather a variegated and disordered set of consolidated practices, habits often distorted when not deleterious, that correspond to stratified regulatory apparatuses, which are inconsistent and often ineffective. It is even more difficult to talk about programmatic rationality models in the specific sector of construction and built environment transformation, where the enunciation of objectives and the prospection of planning actions rarely achieve adequate projects and certain implementation processes, verified for the consistency of the results obtained and monitored for the ability in maintaining the required performance over time. Rather than “changing the model”, in the Italian case, we should therefore talk about giving shape and implementation to an organic and rational system of multilevel and inter-sectorial governance models, which assumes the principles of subsidiarity, administrative decentralization, inter-institutional and public-private cooperation. But, even in the current situation, with the pandemic not yet over, we are already experiencing a sort of “return to order”: after having envisaged radical changes – new urban models environmentally and climatically more sustainable, residential systems and public spaces more responsive to the pressing needs of social demand, priority actions to redevelop the suburbs and to strength infrastructures and ecosystem services, new advanced forms of decision-making decentralization for the co-planning of urban and territorial transformations, and so on – everything seems to has been reset to zero. This is evident from the list of actions and projects proposed by the National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP), where no clear national strategy for green transition emerges, even though it is repeatedly mentioned. As highlighted by the Coordination of Technical-Scientific Associations for the Environment and Landscape1, and as required by EU guidelines2, this transition requires a paradigm shift that assumes eco-sustainability as a transversal guideline for all actions. With the primary objective of protecting ecosystem balances, improving and enhancing the natural and landscape capital, as well as protecting citizen health and well-being from environmental risks and from those generated by improper anthropization phenomena. The contents of the Plan explicitly emphases the need to «repair the economic and social damage of the pandemic crisis» and to «contribute to addressing the structural weaknesses of the Italian economy», two certainly relevant objectives, the pursuit of which, however, could paradoxically contrast precisely with the transition to a more sustainable development. In the Plan, the green revolution and the ecological transition are resolved in a dedicated axis (waste management, hydrogen, energy efficiency of buildings, without however specific reform guidelines of the broader “energy” sector), while «only one of the projects of the Plan regards directly the theme Biodiversity / Ecosystem / Landscape, and in a completely marginal way» (CATAP, 2021). Actions are also limited for assessing the environmental sustainability of the interventions, except the provision of an ad hoc Commission for the streamlining of some procedural steps and a generic indication of compliance with the DNSH-Do not significant Harm criterion (do not cause any significant damage), without specific guidelines on the evaluation methods. Moreover, little or nothing in the Plan refers on actions and investments in urban renewal, abandoned heritage recovery3, of in protecting and enhancing areas characterized by environmental sensitivity/fragility; situations widely present on the national territory, which are instead the first resource for a structural environmental transition. Finally yet importantly, the well-known inability to manage expenditure and the public administration inefficiencies must be considered: a limit not only to the effective implementation of projects, but also to the control of the relationship between time, costs and quality (also environmental) of the interventions. In many places, the Plan has been talked about as an opportunity for a real “reconstruction”, similar to that of post-war Italy; forgetting that the socio-economic renaissance was driven by the INA-Casa Plan4, but also by a considerable robustness of the cultural approach in the research and experimentation of new housing models (Schiaffonati, 2014)5. A possible “model”, which – appropriately updated in socio-technical and environmental terms – could be a reference for an incisive governmental action aiming at answering to a question – the one of the housing – far from being resolved and still a priority, if not an emergency. The crisis also implies the deployment of new skills, with a review of outdated disciplinary approaches, abandoning all corporate resistances and subcultures that have long prevented the change. A particularly deep fracture in our country, which has implications in research, education and professions, dramatically evident in the disciplines of architectural and urban design. Coherently with the EU Strategic Agenda 2019-2024 and the European Pillar of Social Rights, the action plan presented by the Commission in March 2021, with the commitment of the Declaration of Porto on May 7, sets three main objectives for 2030: an employment rate higher than 78%, the participation of more than 60% of adults in training courses every year and at least 15 million fewer people at risk of social exclusion or poverty6. Education, training and retraining, lifelong learning and employment-oriented skills, placed at the center of EU policy action, now require large investments, to stimulate employment transitions towards the emerging sectors of green, circular and digital economies (environmental design and assessment, risk assessment & management, safety, durability and maintainability, design and management of the life cycle of plans, projects, building systems and components: contents that are completely marginal or absent in the current training offer of Architecture). Departments and PhDs in the Technological Area have actively worked with considerable effectiveness in this field. In these regards, we have to recall the role played by Romano Del Nord «protagonist for commitment and clarity in identifying fundamental strategic lines for the cultural and professional training of architects, in the face of unprecedented changes of the environmental and production context» (Schiaffonati, 2021). Today, on the other hand, the axis of permanent and technical training is almost forgotten by ministerial and university policies for the reorganization of teaching systems, with a lack of strategic visions for bridging the deficit of skills that characterizes the area of architecture on the facing environmental and socio-economic challenges. Also and precisely in the dual perspective of greater interaction with the research systems and with the world of companies and institutions, and of that trans- and multi-disciplinary dimension of knowledge, methods and techniques necessary for the ecological transition of settlement systems and construction sector. Due to the high awareness of the Technological Area about the multifactorial and multi-scale dimension of the crises that recurrently affect our territories, SITdA has been configured since its foundation as a place for scientific and cultural debate on the research and training themes. With a critical approach to the consoling academic attitude looking for a “specific disciplinary” external and extraneous to the social production of goods and services. Finalizing the action of our community to «activate relationships between universities, professions, institutions through the promotion of the technological culture of architecture [...], to offer scientific-cultural resources for the training and qualification of young researchers [...], in collaboration with the national education system in order to advance training in the areas of technology and innovation in architecture» (SITdA Statute, 2007). Goals and topics which seem to be current, which Techne intends to resume and develop in the next issues, and already widely present in this n. 22 dedicated to the Circular Economy. A theme that, as emerges from the contributions, permeates the entire field of action of the project: housing, services, public space, suburbs, infrastructures, production, buildings. All contexts in which technological innovation invests both processes and products: artificial intelligence, robotics and automation, internet of things, 3D printing, sensors, nano and biotechnology, biomaterials, biogenetics and neuroscience feed advanced experiments that cross-fertilize different contributions towards common objectives of circularity and sustainability. In this context, the issue of waste, the superfluous, abandonment and waste, emerge, raising the question of re-purpose: an action that crosses a large panel of cases, due to the presence of a vast heritage of resources – materials, artefacts, spaces and entire territories – to be recovered and re-functionalized, transforming, adapting, reusing, reconverting, reactivating the existing for new purposes and uses, or adapting it to new and changing needs. Therefore, by adopting strategies and techniques of reconversion and reuse, of re-manufacturing and recycling of construction and demolition waste, of design for disassembly that operate along even unprecedented supply chains and which are accompanied by actions to extend the useful life cycle of materials , components and building systems, as well as product service logic also extended to durable goods such as the housing. These are complex perspectives but considerably interesting, feasible through the activation of adequate and updated skills systems, for a necessary and possible future, precisely starting from the ability – as designers, researchers and teachers in the area of Architectural Technology – to read the space and conceive a project within a system of rationalities, albeit limited, but substantially founded, which qualify the interventions through approaches validated in research and experimental verification. Contrarily to any ineffective academicism, which corresponds in fact to a condition of subordination caused by the hegemonic dynamics at the base of the crisis itself, but also by a loss of authority that derives from the inadequate preparation of the architects. An expropriation that legitimizes the worst ignorance in the government of the territories, cities and artifacts. Education in Architecture, strictly connected to the research from which contents and methods derive, has its central pivot in the project didactic: activity by its nature of a practical and experimental type, applied to specific places and contexts, concrete and material, and characterized by considerable complexity, due to the multiplicity of factors involved. This is what differentiates the construction sector, delegated to territorial and urban transformations, from any other sector. A sector that borrows its knowledge from other production processes, importing technologies and materials. With a complex integration of which the project is charged, for the realization of the buildings, along a succession of phases for corresponding to multiple regulatory and procedural constraints. The knowledge and rationalization of these processes are the basis of the evolution of the design and construction production approaches, as well as merely intuitive logics. These aspects were the subject of in-depth study at the SITdA National Conference on “Producing Project” (Reggio Calabria, 2018), and relaunched in a new perspective by the International Conference “The project in the digital age. Technology, Nature, Culture” scheduled in Naples on the 1st-2nd of July 2021. A reflection that Techne intends to further develop through the sharing of knowledge and scientific debate, selecting topics of great importance, to give voice to a new phase and recalling the practice of design research, in connection with the production context, institutions and social demand. “Inside the Polycrisis. The possible necessary” is the theme of the call we launched for n. 23, to plan the future despite the uncertainties and risks, foreshadowing strategies that support a unavoidable change, also by operating within the dynamics that, for better or for worse, will be triggered by the significant resources committed to the implementation of the Recovery Plan. To envisage systematic actions based on the centrality of a rational programming, of environmentally appropriate design at the architectural, urban and territorial scales, and of a continuous monitoring of the implementation processes. With the commitment also to promote, after each release, a public moment of reflection and critical assessment on the research progresses. NOTES 1 “Osservazioni del Coordinamento delle Associazioni Tecnico-scientifiche per l’Ambiente e il Paesaggio al PNRR”, 2021. 2 EU Guidelines, SWD-2021-12 final, 21.1.2021. 3 For instance, we can consider the 7,000 km of dismissed railways, with related buildings and areas. 4 The two seven-year activities of the Plan (1949-1963) promoted by Amintore Fanfani, Minister of Labor and Social Security at the time, represented both an employment and a social maneuver, which left us the important legacy of neighborhoods that still today they have their own precise identity, testimony of the architectural culture of the Italian twentieth century. But also a «grandiose machine for the housing» (Samonà, 1949), based on a clear institutional and organizational reorganization, with the establishment of a single body (articulated in the plan implementation committee, led by Filiberto Guala, with regulatory functions of disbursem*nt of funds, assignment of tasks and supervision, and in the INA-Casa Management directed by the architect Arnaldo Foschini, then dean of the Faculty of Architecture), which led to the construction of two million rooms for over 350,000 families. See Di Biagi F. (2013), Il Contributo italiano alla storia del Pensiero – Tecnica, Enciclopedia Treccani. 5 From Quaderni of the Centro Studi INA-Casa, to Gescal and in the Eighties to the activity of CER. Complex theme investigated by Fabrizio Schiaffonati in Il progetto della residenza sociale, edited by Raffaella Riva. 6 Ferruccio De Bortoli underlines in Corriere della Sera of 15 May 2021: «The revolution of lifelong learning (which) is no less important for Brussels than the digital or green one. By 2030, at least 60 per cent of the active population will have to participate in training courses every year. It will be said: but 2030 is far away. There’s time. No, because most people have escaped that to achieve this goal, by 2025 – that is, in less than four years – 120 million Europeans will ideally return to school. A kind of great educational vaccination campaign. Day after tomorrow».

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The globe is engulfed by one of the most extensive public health crises as COVID-19 has become a leading cause of death worldwide. COVID-19 was first detected in Wuhan, China, in December 2019, causing the severe acute respiratory syndrome. This review discusses issues related to Covid-19 vaccines, such as vaccine development targets, vaccine types, efficacy, limitations and development prospects. Keywords: Covid-19, SARS-CoV-2, vaccine, spike protein. References [1] C. Wang, P. W. Horby, F. G. Hayden, G. F. Gao, A Novel Coronavirus Outbreak of Global Health Concern, The Lancet, Vol. 395, No. 10223, 2020, pp. 470-473, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(20)30185-9.[2] T. Singhal, A Review of Coronavirus Disease-2019 (COVID-19), The Indian Journal of Pediatrics, Vol. 87, 2020, pp. 281-286, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12098-020-03263-6.[3] World Health Organization, WHO Coronavirus (COVID-19) Dashboard, https://covid19.who.int/, (accessed on: August 21st, 2021).[4] A. 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Abstract:

It’s a portrait of grief, to be sure, but it puts grief in the air, as a cultural atmospheric, without giving us anything to mourn.—— Tom Junod, “The Man Who Invented 9/11”The nearly decade-long attempt by families of 9/11 victims to reclaim the remains of their relatives involves rhetorics of bodilessness, waste, and virtuality that offer startling illustrations of what might be termed “the poetics of grief.” After combining as the WTC Families for Proper Burial Inc. in 2002, the families sued the city of New York in 2005. They lost and the case has been under appeal since 2008. WTC Families is asking for nearly one million tons of material to be moved from the Fresh Kills landfill on Staten Island in order to sift it for human remains. These remains will then be reclaimed and interred: Proper Burial. But the matter is far less definitive. When a judge hearing the appeal asked how one would prove someone’s identity, the city’s lawyer replied, “You have to be able to particularise and say it’s your body. All that’s left here is a bunch of undifferentiated dust.” The reply “elicited gasps and muttered ‘no’s’ from a crowd whose members wore laminated photos of deceased victims” (Hughes). These laminated displays are an attempt by WTC Families to counteract the notion of the victims as “undifferentiated dust”; the protected, hermetic images are testimony to painful uncertainty, an (always) outmoded relic of the evidentiary self.In the face of such uncertainty, it was not only court audiences who waited for a particular response to the terrorist attacks. Adam Hirsch, reviewer for the New York Sun, claimed that “the writer whose September 11 novel seemed most necessary was Don DeLillo. Mr. DeLillo, more than any other novelist, has always worked at the intersection of public terror and private fear.” DeLillo’s prescience regarding the centrality of terrorism in American culture was noted by many critics in the aftermath of the attack on the World Trade Centre. The novelist even penned an essay for Harper’s in which he reflected on the role of the novelist in the new cultural landscape of the post-9/11 world. In an online book club exchange for Slate, Meghan O’Rourke says, “DeLillo seemed eerily primed to write a novel about the events of September 11. … Rereading some of his earlier books, including the terrorism-riddled Mao II, I wondered, half-seriously, if Mohamed Atta and crew had been studying DeLillo.” If there was any writer who might have been said to have seen it coming it was DeLillo. The World Trade Center had figured in his novels before the 9/11 attacks. The twin towers are a primary landmark in Underworld, gracing the cover of the novel in ghostly black and white. In Players (1977), a Wall Street worker becomes involved in a terrorist plot to bomb the New York Stock exchange and his wife works in the WTC for the “Grief Management Council”—“Where else would you stack all this grief?” (18).ClassificationsAs the WTC Families for Proper Burial Inc. trial demonstrates, the reality of the terrorist attacks of September 11 offered an altogether more macabre and less poetic reality than DeLillo’s fiction had depicted. The Fresh Kills landfill serves in Underworld as a metaphor for the accumulated history of Cold War America in the last half-century. Taking in the “man-made mountain,” waste management executive Brian Glassic thinks, “It was science fiction and prehistory”; seeing the World Trade Center in the distance, “he sensed a poetic balance between that idea and this one” (Underworld 184). But the poetic balance DeLillo explores in the 1997 novel has been sundered by the obliteration of the twin towers. Fresh Kills and the WTC are now united by a disquieting grief. The landfill, which closed in 2001, was forced to reopen when the towers collapsed to receive their waste. Fresh Kills bears molecular witness to this too-big collective trauma. “‘They commingled it, and then they dumped it,’ Mr. Siegel [lawyer for WTC Families] said of the remains being mixed with household trash, adding that a Fresh Kills worker had witnessed city employees use that mixture to fill potholes” (Hughes). The revelation is obscene: Are we walking and driving over our dead? The commingling of rubble and human remains becomes a collective (of) contamination too toxic, too overwhelming for conventional comprehension. “You can’t even consider the issue of closure until this issue has been resolved,” says the lawyer representing WTC Families (Hartocollis).Nick Shay, Underworld’s main character, is another waste executive who travels the world to observe ways of dealing with garbage. Of shopping with his wife, Nick says, “Marion and I saw products as garbage even when they sat gleaming on store shelves, yet unbought. We didn’t say, What kind of casserole will that make? We said, What kind of garbage will that make?” (121). This attests to the virtuality of waste, a potentiality of the products – commercial, temporal, biological – that comprise the stuff of contemporary American culture. Synecdoche and metonymy both, waste becomes the ground of hysteron proteron, the rhetorical figure that disorders time and makes the future always present. Like (its) Fresh Kills, waste is science fiction and prehistory.Repeating the apparent causal and temporal inversion of hysteron proteron, Nick’s son Jeff uses his home computer to access a simultaneous future and past that is the internal horizon of Underworld’s historical fiction. Jeff has previously been using his computer to search for something in the video footage of the “Texas Highway Killer,” a serial murderer who randomly shoots people on Texan highways. Jeff tries to resolve the image so that the pixels will yield more, exposing their past and future. “He was looking for lost information. He enhanced and super-slowed, trying to find some pixel in the data swarm that might provide a clue to the identity of the shooter” (118). Searching for something more, something buried, Jeff, like WTC Families, is attempting to redeem the artifactual and the overlooked by reconfiguring them as identity. DeLillo recognises this molecular episteme through the “dot theory of reality”: “Once you get inside a dot, you gain access to hidden information, you slide inside the smallest event. This is what technology does. It peels back the shadows and redeems the dazed and rambling past. It makes reality come true” (177). Like the gleaming supermarket products Nick and Marion see as garbage, the unredeemed opens onto complex temporal and rhetorical orders. Getting inside garbage is like getting “inside a dot.” This approach is not possible for the unplanned waste of 9/11. Having already lost its case, WTC Families will almost certainly lose its appeal because its categories and its means are unworkable and inapplicable: they cannot particularise.PremonitionsIn his 9/11 essay “In the Ruins of the Future,” published in Harper’s a few months after the attacks, DeLillo says “We are all breathing the fumes of lower Manhattan where traces of the dead are everywhere, in the soft breeze off the river, on rooftops and windows, in our hair and on our clothes” (39). DeLillo‘s portrait of molecular waste adumbrates the need to create “counternarratives.” Until the events of 11 September 2001 the American narrative was that of the Cold War, and thus also the narrative of Underworld; one for which DeLillo claims the Bush administration was feeling nostalgic. “This is over now,” he says. “The narrative ends in the rubble and it is left to us to create the counternarrative” (34).DeLillo was already at work on a narrative of his own at the time of the terrorist attacks. As Joseph Conte notes, when the World Trade Center was attacked, “DeLillo, had nearly finished drafting his thirteenth novel, Cosmopolis [… and] shared in the collective seizure of the American mind” (179). And while it was released in 2003, DeLillo sets the novel in 2000 on “a day in April.” If the millennium, the year 2000, has been as Boxall claims the horizon of DeLillo’s writing, the tagging of this “day in April” at the beginning of the novel signals Cosmopolis as a limit-work (4). 9/11 functions as a felt absence in the novel, a binding thing floating in the air, like the shirt that DeLillo will use to begin and end Falling Man; a story that will ‘go beyond’ the millennial limit, a story that is, effectively, the counternarrative of which DeLillo speaks in his 9/11 essay. Given the timing of the terrorist attacks in New York, and DeLillo’s development of his novel, it is extraordinary to consider just how Cosmopolis reflects on its author’s position as a man who should have “seen it coming.” The billionaire protagonist Eric Packer traverses Manhattan by car, his journey a bifurcation between sophistication and banality. Along the way he has an onanistic sexual encounter whilst having his prostate examined, hacks into and deletes his wife’s old money European fortune, loses his own self-made wealth by irrationally betting against the rise of the yen, kills a man, and shoots himself in the hand in front of his assassin. Eric actively moves toward his own death. Throughout Eric’s journey the socially binding integrity of the present and the future is teased apart. He continually sees images of future events before they occur – putting his hand on his chin, a bomb explosion, and finally, his own murder – via video screens in his car and wristwatch. These are, as Conte rightly notes, repeated instances of hysteron proteron (186). His corpse does not herald obsolescence but begins the true life of waste: virtual information. Or, as Eric’s “Chief of Theory” asks, “Why die when you can live on a disk?” (106). There are shades here of Jeff’s pixelated excursion into the video footage of the Texas Highway Killer: “Once you get inside a dot, you gain access to hidden information.” Life at this level is not only virtual, it is particularised, a point (or a collection of points) Eric comes to grasp during the protracted scene in which he watches himself die: “The stuff he sneezes when he sneezes, this is him” (207). In Falling Man, the work in which DeLillo engages directly with the 9/11 attack, the particularised body recurs in various forms. First there is the (now iconic) falling man: the otherwise unknown victim of the terrorist attack who leapt from the WTC and whose descent was captured in a photograph by Richard Drew. This figure was named (particularised) by Tom Junod (who provides the epigram for this essay) as “The Falling Man.” In DeLillo’s novel another Falling Man, a performance artist, re-enacts the moment by jumping off buildings, reiterating the photograph (back) into a bodily performance. In these various incarnations the falling man is serially particularised: photographed, named, then emulated. The falling man is a single individual, and multiple copies. He lives on long after death and so does his trauma. He represents the poetic expression of collective grief. Particularised bodies also infect the terror narrative of Falling Man at a molecular level. Falling Man’s terrorist, Hammad, achieves a similar life-after-death by becoming “organic shrapnel.” The surviving victims of the suicide bomb attack, months later, begin to display signs of the suicide bombers in lumps and sores emerging from their bodies, too-small bits of the attacker forever incorporated. Hammad is thus paired with the victims of the crash in a kind of disseminative and absorptive (rhetorical) structure. “The world changes first in the mind of the man who wants to change it. The time is coming, our truth, our shame, and each man becomes the other, and the other still another, and then there is no separation” (80). RevisionsThe traces of American culture that were already contained in the landfill in Underworld have now become the resting place of the dust and the bodies of the trauma of 9/11. Rereading DeLillo’s magnum opus one cannot help but be struck by the new resonance of Fresh Kills.The landfill showed him smack-on how the waste stream ended, where all the appetites and hankerings, the sodden second thoughts came runneling out, the things you wanted ardently and then did not…. He knew the stench must ride the wind into every dining room for miles around. When people heard a noise at night, did they think the heap was coming down around them, sliding toward their homes, an omnivorous movie terror filling their doorways and windows?The wind carried the stink across the kill…. The biggest secrets are the ones spread before us. (184-5)The landfill looms large on the landscape, a huge pile of evidence for the mass trauma of what remains, those that remain, and what may come—waste in all its virtuality. The “omnivorous movie terror filling their doorways and windows” is a picture of dust-blanketed Downtown NYC that everybody, everywhere, continually saw. The mediatory second sight of sifting the landfill, of combing the second site of the victims for its “sodden second thoughts,” is at once something “you wanted ardently and then did not.” The particles are wanted as a distillate, produced by the frameline of an intentional, processual practice that ‘edits’ 9/11 and its aftermath into a less unacceptable sequence that might allow the familiar mourning ritual of burying a corpse. WTC Families Inc. is seeking to throw the frame of human identity around the unincorporated particles of waste in the Fresh Kills landfill, an unbearably man-made, million-ton mountain. This operation is an attempt to immure the victims and their families from the attacks and its afterlife as waste or recycled material, refusing the ever-present virtual life of waste that always accompanied them. Of course, even if WTC Families is granted its wish to sift Fresh Kills, how can it differentiate its remains from those of the 9/11 attackers? The latter have a molecular, virtual afterlife in the present and the living, lumpy reminders that surface as foreign bodies.Resisting the city’s drive to rebuild and move on, WTC Families for Proper Burial Inc. is absorbed with the classification of waste rather than its deployment. In spite of the group’s failed court action, the Fresh Kills site will still be dug over: a civil works project by the NYC Department of Parks & Recreation will reclaim the landfill and rename it “Freshkills Park,” a re-creational area to be twice the size of Central Park—As DeLillo foresaw, “The biggest secrets are the ones spread before us.”ReferencesBoxall, Peter. Don DeLillo: The Possibility of Fiction. London: Routledge, 2006.Conte, Joseph M. “Writing amid the Ruins: 9/11 and Cosmopolis”. The Cambridge Companion to Don DeLillo. Ed. John N. Duvall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 179-192.Cowart, David. Don DeLillo: The Physics of Language. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2003.DeLillo, Don. Players. London: Vintage, 1991.———. Mao II. London: Vintage, 1992.———. Underworld. London: Picador, 1997.———. “In the Ruins of the Future”. Harper’s. Dec. 2001: 33-40.———. Cosmopolis. London: Picador, 2003.———. Falling Man. New York: Scribner, 2007.Hartocollis, Anemona. “Landfill Has 9/11 Remains, Medical Examiner Wrote”. 24 Mar. 2007. The New York Times. 7 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/24%20/nyregion/24remains.html›. Hirsch, Adam. “DeLillo Confronts September 11”. 2 May 2007. The New York Sun. 10 May 2007 ‹http://www.nysun.com/arts/delillo-confronts-september-11/53594/›.Hughes, C. J. “9/11 Families Press Judges on Sifting at Landfill”. 16 Dec. 2009. The New York Times. 17 Dec. 2009 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/17/nyregion/17sift.html›.Junod, Tom. “The Man Who Invented 9/11”. 7 May 2007. Rev. of Falling Man by Don DeLillo. Esquire. 28 May 2007 ‹http://www.esquire.com/fiction/book-review/delillo›.O’Rourke, Meghan. “DeLillo Seemed Almost Eerily Primed to Write a Novel about 9/11”. 23 May 2007. Slate.com. 28 May 2007 ‹http://www.slate.com/id/2166831/%20entry/2166848/›.

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Catastrophic expenditure occurs when a household allocates more than 40% of its effective, or non-subsistence, income for health expenditures.1,2 In general, low-income households, those with older persons or persons with disabilities, and families with members requiring healthcare for chronic illnesses are more likely to experience this phenomenon. 3 In the Philippine setting, it has also been suggested that disasters create catastrophic spending situations.4 As household incomes are generally fixed, incurring unexpected, large, and/or long-term expenditures typically means either reducing allocation for other expense items (e.g., diminution of the budget for food or shelter) or sourcing funding elsewhere (e.g., incurring substantial debt to bridge the shortfall), and may lead to the impoverishment of the family, particularly for those who are living remarkably close the knife’s edge of poverty. Hence, protecting individuals and families from such financial catastrophe has become an important policy objective at the global and domestic levels.5–7 Using the 40% non-subsistence income threshold, it has been estimated that the 0.78% (95% uncertainty interval: 0.71 – 0.85) of households in the Philippines experienced catastrophic health expenditure.1 Meanwhile, using a 25% total household budget as a cut-off point – as measured for the Sustainable Development Goals – would increase the proportion to 1.41% of households.8 These figures, however, seem to underestimate the actual situation, as shown by related data from the 2018 Family Income and Expenditure Survey and the Philippine National Health Accounts 2014-2019.9,10 First, households typically spend around 75% of their income, which translates to an average annual savings of about 75,000 pesos. Second, roughly two-thirds (63%) of expenses were allocated for food, shelter, and utilities. In comparison, only 2.7% went to health expenses (or about 6,500 pesos per year for the entire household, using as reference the 239,000 pesos total annual household expenses). Third, the per capita health expenditure in 2019 was estimated at Php 6,662.20 – the bulk of which went to curative care in hospitals – nearly half (47.9%) contributed directly from out-of-pocket. In short, regularly, households allocate only a small amount for health-related expenses but are forced to spend more when presented with conditions requiring more expensive treatment. A separate analysis showed that catastrophic health expenditures were, on average, more than 60,000 pesos annually; medicines and in-patient services accounted for two-thirds of this amount.11 Given that the net household savings are not substantial, the question arises as to where the difference in funding requirement comes from. Lasco et al.’s paper in this issue provides an answer in this respect and extends our insight into how individuals and families deal with health expenditures.12 Drawing on data gathered from 30 focus group discussions participated in by 250 individuals representing different socio-demographic and stakeholder groups, their results offer a human dimension to the processes that families go through as they initially forego help-seeking, owe money, and finally request institutional assistance to finance their health need. The low incidence of catastrophic health expenditure in the country currently documented by official sources may be attributed to either of two scenarios. The optimistic scenario is that institutional assistance and subsidized healthcare in government facilities can bridge the shortfall in health financing, averting financial catastrophe for the family. Our prior research, however, has shown that such institutional assistance is almost always not sufficient to cover the deficit unless a family is resourceful enough that they can tap multiple providers or donors.13,14 The alternative is that individuals or families do not go beyond the first stage of pagtitiis, so much so that no further treatment can be offered when the individual interfaces with a healthcare provider. An additional point must be thought-out when considering catastrophic health expenditure. Health needs are fraught with uncertainty, which biases an individual’s capacity to adequately prepare, financially or otherwise, for such occurrence. Uncertainty in this sense means that there is a dimension of indeterminacy of a future health state, such as when healthcare professionals discuss the risk of a person suffering complications from a chronic illness.15 Prior research has shown that accurate risk perceptions are vital in healthcare. 16 Yet, we are well aware that the concept of risk, or chance, is a rather abstract notion that distorts our decision-making processes, especially about things that are unknown, unobserved, or not yet experienced.17 The burden, therefore, of preparing for unexpected healthcare expenditure should be shifted from the individual or household through the strengthening of existing social safety nets and reducing the out-of-pocket share in total health expenditure. This will entail additional investments by the government and the social health insurance program and will be among the challenges that the new dispensation will have to consider as we collectively rise from the ravages of the pandemic. Carl Abelardo T. Antonio, MD, MPH Department of Health Policy and Administration College of Public Health University of the Philippines Manila, Manila, Philippines REFERENCES World Health Organization. Designing Health Financing Systems to Reduce Catastrophic Health Expenditure [Internet]. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2005 [cited 2022 Jun 06]. Available from https://apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/70005. Xu K, Evans DB, Kawabata K, Zeramdini R, Klavus J, Murray CJ. Household Catastrophic Health Expenditure: A Multicountry Analysis. Lancet. 2003 Jul 12;362(9378):111-7. doi: 10.1016/S0140-6736(03)13861-5. Azzani M, Roslani AC, Su TT. Determinants of Household Catastrophic Health Expenditure: A Systematic Review. Malays J Med Sci. 2019 Jan;26(1):15-43. doi: 10.21315/mjms2019.26.1.3. Espallardo N, Geroy LS, Villanueva R, Gavino R, Nievera LA, Hall JL. A Snapshot of Catastrophic Post-disaster Health Expenses after Typhoon Haiyan. Western Pac Surveill Response J. 2015 Nov 6;6 Suppl 1(Suppl 1):76-81. doi: 10.5365/WPSAR.2015.6.2.HYN_017. World Health Organization. The World Health Report. Health Systems Financing: The Path to Universal Coverage [Internet]. Geneva: World Health Organization; 2010 [cited 2022 June 6]. Available from https://apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/44371 United Nations. Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development [Internet]. [New York]: United Nations; 2015 [cited 2022 June 6]. Available from https://sdgs.un.org/publications/transforming-our-world-2030-agenda-sustainable-development-17981 Congress of the Philippines. Republic Act No. 11223, Universal Health Care Act [Internet]. 2019 [cited 2022 June 6]. Available from https://www.officialgazette.gov.ph/2019/02/20/republic-act-no-11223/ World Health Organization. Global Health Observatory [Internet].n.d. [cited 2022 June 6]. Available from https://www.who.int/data/gho/data/indicators/indicator-details/GHO/population-with-household-expenditures-on-health-greater-than-25-of-total-household-expenditure-or-income-(-sdg-indicator-3-8-2)-(-) Philippine Statistics Authority. 2018 Family Income and Expenditure Survey. Volume 1. National and regional estimates [Internet]. Quezon City: Philippine Statistics Authority; 2020 [cited 2022 June 6]. Available from https://psa.gov.ph/sites/default/files/FIES%202018%20Final%20Report.pdf Philippine Statistics Authority. Philippine National Health Accounts 2014-2019 [Internet]. Quezon City: Philippine Statistics Authority; 2020 [cited 2022 June 6]. Available from https://psa.gov.ph/sites/default/files/Publication%20PNHA%202019%20signed_0.pdf Bredenkamp C, Buisman LR. Financial Protection from Health Spending in the Philippines: Policies and Progress. Health Policy Plan. 2016 Sep;31(7):919-27. doi: 10.1093/heapol/czw011. Lasco G, Yu VG, David CC. The Lived Realities of Health Financing: A Qualitative Exploration of Catastrophic Health Expenditure in the Philippines. Acta Med Philipp. 2022; 56(11):11-21. doi.org/10.47895/amp.vi0.2389. Antonio CT, Bermudez AC, Cochon KL, Garcia FB, Gueverra JP, Manalo JA, Quizon RR, Salvino RP, Benedicto EG. Stakeholder Perceptions on the Challenges of Financing Debilitating Illnesses: The Case of Colorectal Cancer and Schizophrenia in the Philippines. Phil J Health Res Dev. 2017;21(2):17-19. Guevarra JP, Antonio CT, Cochon KL, Bermudez AC, Garcia FB, Manalo JA, Pagtiilan GT, Guevarra EM, Salvino RP, Benedicto EG. Financial Assistance for Treatment of Schizophrenia in the Philippines. Acta Med Philipp. 2022;56(5):75-81. doi: 10.47895/amp.vi0.3376. Han PK, Klein WM, Arora NK. Varieties of Uncertainty in Health Care: A Conceptual Taxonomy. Med Decis Making. 2011 Nov-Dec;31(6):828-38. doi: 10.1177/0272989x11393976. Ferrer R, Klein WM. Risk Perceptions and Health Behavior. Curr Opin Psychol. 2015 Oct 1;5:85-89. doi: 10.1016/j.copsyc.2015.03.012. Enke B. What You See is All There Is. Q J Econ. 2020; 135(3): 1363-98. doi: 10.1093/qje/qjaa012.

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Introduction This article explores the phenomenon of the Creative City in the context of Aberdeen, Scotland’s third-largest city. The common perception of Aberdeen is likely to revolve around its status, for the last 50 years, as Europe’s Oil & Gas Capital. However, for more than a decade Aberdeen’s city planners have sought to incorporate creativity and culture in their placemaking. The most visible expression of this was the unsuccessful 2013 bid to become the UK City of Culture 2017 (CoC), which was referred to as a “reality check” by Marie Boulton (BBC), the councillor charged with the culture portfolio. This article reviews and appraises subsequent policies and actions. It looks at Aberdeen’s history and its current Cultural Strategy and how events have supported or inhibited the reimagining of Aberdeen as a Creative and Cultural City. Landry’s “Lineages of the Creative City” tracks the rise in interest around culture and creative sectors and highlights that there is more to the creative city than economic growth, positing that a creative city is a holistic environment in which “ordinary people can make the extra-ordinary happen” (2). Comunian develops Landry’s concept of hard (infrastructural) assets and soft (people and activity) assets by introducing Complexity Theory to examine the interactions between the two. Comunian argues that a city should be understood as a complex adaptive system (CAS) and that the interconnectivity of consumption and production, micro and macro, and networks of actors must be incorporated into policy thinking. Creating physical assets without regard to what happens in and around them does not build a creative city. Aberdeen: Context and History Important when considering Aberdeen is its remoteness: 66 miles north of its closest city neighbour Dundee, 90 miles north of Edinburgh and 125 miles north-east of Glasgow. For Aberdonians travel is a necessity to connect with other cultural centres whether in Scotland, the UK, Europe, or further afield, making Aberdeen’s nearly 900-year-old port a key asset. Sitting at the mouth of the River Dee, which marks Aberdeen’s southern boundary, this key transport hub has long been central to Aberdeen’s culture giving rise to two of the oldest established businesses in the UK: the Port of Aberdeen (1136) and the Shore Porter’s Society (1498). Fishing and trade with Europe thrived and connections with the continent led to the establishment of Aberdeen’s first university: King’s College (Scotland’s third and the UK’s fifth) in 1495. A second, Marischal College, was established in 1593, joining forces with King’s in 1860 to become the University of Aberdeen. The building created in 1837 to house Marischal College is the second-largest granite building in the world (VisitAberdeenshire, Marischal) and now home to Aberdeen City Council (ACC). Robert Gordon University (RGU), awarded university status in 1992, grew out of an institution established in 1729 (RGU, Our History); this period marked the dawning of the Scottish Enlightenment when Aberdeen’s Wise Club were key to an intellectual discourse that changed western thinking (RSA). Gray’s School of Art, now part of RGU, was established in 1885, at the same time as Aberdeen Art Gallery which holds a collection of national significance (ACC, Art Gallery). Aberdeen’s northern boundary is marked by its second river, the River Don, which has also contributed to the city’s history, economics, and culture. For centuries, paper and woollen mills, including the world-famous Crombie, thrived on its banks and textile production was the city’s largest employer, with one mill employing 3,000 staff (P&J, Broadford). While the city and surrounds have been home to notable creatives, including writers Lewis Grassic Gibbon and Lord Byron; musicians Annie Lennox, Dame Evelyn Glennie, and Emeli Sandé; fashion designer Bill Gibb and dancer Michael Clark, it has struggled to attract and retain creative talent, and there is a familiar exodus of art school graduates to the larger and more accepted creative cities of Glasgow, Edinburgh, and London. In 2013, at the time of the CoC bid, ACC recognised that creative industries graduates leaving the city was “a serious issue” (ACC, Cultural Mapping 1). The City of Culture Bid This recognition came at a time when ACC acknowledged that Aberdeen, with already low unemployment, required an influx of workforce. An ACC document (Cultural Mapping) cites Richard Florida’s proposal that a strong cultural offer attracts skilled workers to a city, adding that they “look for a lively cultural life in their choice of location” (7) and quoting an oil executive: “our poor city centre is often cited as a major obstacle in attracting people” (7). Changing the image of the city to attract new residents appears to have been a key motivation for the CoC bid. The CoC assessor noted this in their review of the bid, citing a report that 120,000 recruits were required in the city and agreeing that Aberdeen needed to “change perceptions of the city to retain and attract talent” (Regeneris 1). Aberdeen’s CoC bid was rejected at the first shortlisting stage, with feedback that the artistic vision “lacked depth” and “that cultural activity in the city was weaker than in several other bidding areas” (Regeneris 3). In an exploration of the bidding process, McGillivray and Turner highlight two factors which link to other concerns and feedback about the bid. Firstly, they compare Aberdeen’s choice of a Bid Manager from the business community with Paisley’s choice of one from their local arts sector in their bid for CoC 2021, which was successful in being shortlisted, highlighting different motivators behind the bids. Secondly, Aberdeen secured a bid team member from “Pafos’s bid to be 2017 European Capital of Culture (ECC), who subsequently played an important role” for Kalamata’s 2021 ECC bid (41), showing Aberdeen’s reluctance to develop local talent. A Decade of Investment ACC responded to the “reality check” with a series of investments in the hard assets of the city. Major refurbishment of two key buildings, the Music Hall and the Art Gallery, caused them both to be closed for several years, significantly diminishing the cultural offer in the city. The Music Hall re-opened in 2018 (Creative Scotland) and the Art Gallery in 2019 (McLean). In 2021, the extended and updated Art Gallery was named “Scotland’s building of the year” by the Royal Incorporation of Architects in Scotland (RIAS) (Museums Association). Concurrent with this was the development of “Europe’s largest new events complex, TECA [now P&J live] part financed through a £370 million stock market bond issue” (InvestAberdeen). Another cultural asset of the city which has been undergoing a facelift since 2019 is Union Terrace Gardens (UTG), the green heart of the city centre, gifted to the public in 1877. The development of this asset has had a chequered history. In 2008 it had been awarded “funding from Aberdeen Council (£3 million), the Scottish Arts Council (£4.3M) and Scottish Enterprise (£2 million)” (Aberdeenvoice) to realise a new multi-disciplinary contemporary art centre to be called ‘Northern Light’ and housed in a purpose-designed building (Brizac Gonzalez). The project, led by Peaco*ck Visual arts, a printmaking centre of excellence and gallery founded in 1974, had secured planning permission. It would host Peaco*ck Visual Arts, City Moves dance company, and the ACC arts development team. It echoed similar cultural partnership approaches, such as Dundee Contemporary Arts, although notably without involvement from the universities. Three months later, a counterbid to radically re-think UTG as a vast new city square was proposed by oil tycoon Sir Ian Wood, who backed the proposal with £50 million of his own funds, requiring matching finance by the city and ownership of the Gardens passing to private hands. Resistance to these plans came from ‘Friends of UTG’, and a public consultation was held. ACC voted to adopt Wood’s plans and drop those of Peaco*ck, but a change of administration in the local authority overturned Wood’s plans in August 2012. A significant portion of the funding granted to the Northern Lights project was consumed in the heated public debate and the remainder was lost to the city, as was the Wood money, providing a highly charged backdrop to the CoC bid and an unfortunate divide created between the business and culture sectors that is arguably still discernible in the city today. According to the Aberdeen & Grampian Chamber of Commerce (AGCC) 2022 Investment Tracker, the nearly complete UTG transformation has cost £28.3m. The AGCC trackers since 2016 provide a useful reference for a wider view of investment in the region over this period. During this period, ACC commissioned two festivals: Spectra (ACC, Culture Programme 5), a festival of light curated by a Manchester-based organisation, and NuArt (VisitAberdeenshire, Nuart), a street-art festival curated by a Stavanger-based team. Both festivals deliver large-scale public spectacles but have little impact on the development of the cultural sector in the city. The drivers of footfall, income generation, and tourism are key motivators for these festivals, supporting a prevailing narrative of cultural consumption over cultural production in the city, despite Regeneris’s concerns about “importing of cultural activity, which might not leave behind a cultural sector” (1) and ACC’s own published concerns (ACC, Cultural Mapping). It is important to note that in 2014 the oil and gas industry that brought prosperity to Aberdeen was severely impacted upon by a drop in price and revenue. Many jobs were lost, people left the city, and housing prices, previously inflated, fell dramatically. The attention of the authorities turned to economic regeneration of the city and in 2015, the Aberdeen City Region Deal (UK Gov), bringing £250m to the region, (REF) was signed between the UK Government, Scottish Government, ACC, Aberdeenshire Council, and Opportunity North East (ONE). ONE “is the private sector leader and catalyst for economic diversification in northeast Scotland” with board members from industry, enterprise, AGCC, the councils, the universities, the harbour, and NHS. ONE focuses on five ‘pillars’: Digital Technology, Energy, Life Sciences, Tourism and Food, and Drink & Agriculture. A Decade of Creativity and Cultural Development Aberdeen’s ambitious cultural capital infrastructure spending of the last decade has seen the creation or refurbishment of significant hard assets in the city. The development of people (Cohendet et al.), the soft assets that Landry and Comunian agree are essential to the complex system that is a Creative City, has also seen development over this time. In 2014, RGU commissioned a review of Creative Industries in the North East of Scotland. The report notes that: the cultural sector in the region is strong at the grass roots end, but less so the higher up the scale it goes. There is no producing theatre, and no signature events or assets, although the revitalised art gallery might provide an opportunity to address this. (Ekos 2) This was followed by an international conference at which other energy cities (Calgary, Houston, Perth, and Oslo) presented their culture strategies, providing useful comparators for Aberdeen and a second RGU report (RGU, Regenerating). A third report, (RGU, New North), set out a vision for the region’s cultural future. The reports recommend strategy, leadership, and vision in the development of the cultural and creative soft assets of the region and the need to create conditions for graduate and practitioner retention. Also in 2014, RGU initiated the Look Again Festival of Art and Design, an annual festival to address a gap in the city festival roster and meet a need arising from the closure of both Art Gallery and Music Hall for refurbishment. The first festival took place in 2015 with a weekend-long public event showcasing a series of thought-provoking installations and events which demonstrated a clear appetite amongst the public and partner organisations for more activity of this type. Between 2015 and 2019, the festivals grew from strength to strength and increased in size and ambition, “carving out a new creative community in Aberdeen” (Williams). The 2019 festival involved 119 creatives, the majority from the region, and created 62 paid opportunities. Look Again expanded and became a constant presence and vehicle for sectoral and skills development, supporting students, graduates, volunteers, and new collectives, focussing on social capital and the intangible creative community assets in the city. Creative practitioners were supported with a series of programmes such as ‘Cultivate’ (2018), funded by Creative Scotland, that provided mentoring to strengthen business sustainability and networking events to improve connectivity in the sector. Cultivate also provided an opportunity to undertake further research, and a survey of over 100 small and micro creative businesses presented a view of a tenacious sector, committed to staying in the region but lacking structured and tailored support. The project report noted consistent messages about the need for “a louder voice for the sector” and concluded that further work was needed to better profile, support, and connect the sector (Cultivate 15). Comunian’s work supports this call to give greater consideration to the interplay of the agents in the creation of a strong creative city. In 2019, Look Again’s evolving role in creative sector skills development was recognised when they became part of Gray’s School of Art. A partnership quickly formed with the newly created Entrepreneurship & Innovation Group (EIG), a team formed within RGU to drive entrepreneurial thinking across all schools of the university. Together, Look Again and EIG ran a Creative Accelerator which became a prototype for a validated Creative Entrepreneurship post-graduate short-course that has supported around 120 creative graduates and practitioners with tailored business skills, contextual thinking, and extended peer networks. Meanwhile, another Look Again collaboration with the newly re-opened Art Gallery provided pop-up design events that many of these small businesses took part in, connecting them with public-facing retail opportunities and, for some, acquisitions for the Gallery’s collection. Culture Aberdeen During this time and after a period of public consultation, a new collaborative group, ‘Culture Aberdeen’, emerged. Membership of the group includes many regional cultural and arts organisations including ACC, both universities, and Aberdeen Civic Forum, which seeks “to bring the voice and views of all communities to every possible level of decision making”. The group subsequently published Culture Aberdeen: A Culture Strategy for the City of Aberdeen 2018-2028, which was endorsed by ACC in their first Cultural Investment Impact Report. The strategy sets out a series of cultural ambitions including a bid to become a UNESCO Creative City, establishing an Aberdeen Biennale, and becoming a national centre of excellence for an (unspecified) artform. This collaboration brings a uniting vision to Aberdeen’s creative activity and places of culture and presents a more compelling identity as a creative city. It also begins to map to Comunian’s concept of CAS and establish a framework for realising the potential of hard assets by strategically envisioning and leading the agents, activities, and development of the city’s creative sector. Challenges for Delivery of the Strategy In delivering a strategy based on collaborative efforts, it is essential to have shared goals and strong governance “based on characteristics such as trust, shared values, implicit standards, collaboration, and consultation” (Butcher et al. 77). Situations like Aberdeen’s tentative bid for UNESO Creative City status, which began in late 2018 but was halted in early 2019, suggest that shared goals and clear governance may not be in place. Wishing to join other UNESCO cities across Scotland – Edinburgh (Literature), Glasgow (Music), and Dundee (Design) –, Aberdeen had set its sights on ‘City of Craft and Folk Art’; that title subsequently went to the city of Perth in 2022, limiting Aberdeen’s future hopes of securing UNESCO Creative City status. In 2022, Aberdeen is nearly halfway through its strategy timeline; to achieve its vision by 2028, the leadership recommended in 2014 needs to be established and given proper authority and backing. Covid-19 has been particularly disruptive for the strategy, arriving early in its implementation and lasting for two years during which collaborators have, understandably, had to attend to core business and crisis management. Picking up the threads of collaborative activity at the same time as ‘returning to normal’ will be challenging. The financial impacts of Covid-19 have also hit arts organisations and local councils particularly hard, creating survival challenges that displace future investment plans. The devastation caused to city centres across the UK as shops close and retail moves online is keenly felt in Aberdeen. Yet the pandemic has also seen the growth of pockets of new activity. With falling demand for business space resulting in more ‘meanwhile spaces’ and lower rents, practitioners have been able to access or secure spaces that were previously prohibitive. Deemouth Artists’ Studios, an artist-run initiative, has provided a vital locus of support and connectivity for creatives in the city, doubling in size over the past two years. ‘We Are Here Scotland’ arrived in response to the resurgent Black Lives Matter movement in 2020, as a Community Interest Company initiated in Aberdeen to support black creatives and creatives of colour across Scotland. Initiatives such as EP Spaces that re-purpose empty offices as studios have created a resource, albeit precarious, for scores of recent creative graduates, supporting an emerging creative community. The consequences of the pandemic for the decade of cultural investment and creative development are yet to be understood, but disrupted strategies are hard to rekindle. Culture Aberdeen’s ability to resolve or influence these factors is unclear. As a voluntary network without a cohesive role or formal status in the provision of culture in the city, and little funding and few staff to advocate on its behalf, it probably lacks the strength of leadership required. Nevertheless, work is underway to refresh the strategy in response to the post-pandemic needs of the city and culture, and the Creative Industries more broadly, are, once again, beginning to be seen as part of the solution to recovery as new narratives emerge. There is a strong desire in the city’s and region’s creative communities to nurture, realise, and retain emerging talent to authentically enrich the city’s culture. Since the 2013 failed CoC bid, much has been done to rekindle confidence and shine a light on the rich creative culture that exists in Aberdeen, and creative communities are gaining a new voice for their work. Considerable investment has been made in hard cultural assets; however, continued investment in and commitment to the region’s soft assets is needed. This is the only way to ensure the sustainable local network of activity and practice that can provide the vibrant creative city atmosphere for which Aberdeen has the potential. References Aberdeen Civic Forum. 4 June 2022 <https://civicforumaberdeen.com/about/>. Aberdeen City Region Deal. 5 June 2022 <https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/city-deal-aberdeen-city-region>. Aberdeen Timelines. 24 Feb. 2022 <https://localhistories.org/a-timeline-of-aberdeen/> and <http://www.visitoruk.com/Aberdeen/13th-century-T339.html>. ACC. "Aberdeen Art Gallery." 19 Mar. 2022 <https://www.aberdeencity.gov.uk/AAGM/plan-your-visit/aberdeen-art-gallery>. ———. “Aberdeen City Council Investment in Culture; 2018/19 Impacts.” 19 Mar. 2022 <https://www.aberdeencity.gov.uk/sites/default/files/2019-12/Aberdeen%20City%20Culture%20Report%202019%20.pdf>. ———. “Aberdeen City Council Cultural Mapping of Aberdeen; Final Report, July 2013.” 3 June 2022 <https://www.aberdeencity.gov.uk/sites/default/files/2020-10/FOI-19-1479%20-%20Cultural%20Strategy.pdf>. ———. “Culture Programme 2014 – 2019.” 2014. 6 June 2022 <ABERDEEN CITY COUNCIL>. AGCC. 2022 Tracker. 3 Jun. 2022 <https://www.agcc.co.uk/images/Investment-Tracker-2022-Online-final.pdf>. ———. 2019 Tracker. 3 Jun. 2022 <https://www.agcc.co.uk/files/investment-tracker-2019.pdf>. ———. 2018 Tracker. 3 Jun. 2022 <https://www.agcc.co.uk/files/Investment-Tracker-Sep-2018.pdf>. ———. 2017 Tracker. 3 Jun. 2022 <https://www.agcc.co.uk/files/Investment-Tracker-Sep-2017.pdf>. ———. 2016 Tracker. 3 Jun. 2022 <https://www.agcc.co.uk/files/Investment-Tracker-Nov-2016.pdf>. BBC. “Aberdeen City of Culture Bid ‘Lacked Vision’.” 2013. 10 May 2022 <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-north-east-orkney-shetland-23371660>. Brisac Gonzalez. 6 June 2022 <http://www.brisacgonzalez.com/aberdeen1>. Butcher, John R., David J. Gilchrist, John Phillimore, and John Wanna. “Attributes of Effective Collaboration: Insights from Five Case Studies in Australia and New Zealand.” Policy Design and Practice 2.1 (2019). 19 Mar. 2022 <https://doi.org/10.1080/25741292.2018.1561815>. Cohendet, Patrick, David Grandadam, and Laurent Simon. “The Anatomy of the Creative City.” Industry and Innovation 17.1 (2010). 19 Mar. 2022 <https://doi.org/10.1080/13662710903573869>. Comunian, Roberta. “Rethinking the Creative City: The Role of Complexity, Networks and Interactions in the Urban Creative Economy.” Urban Studies 48.6 (2011) 1157-1179. Creative Scotland. “Cultivate: Look Again’s Creative Industries Development Programme in North East Scotland.” 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.creativescotland.com/explore/read/stories/features/2019/cultivate-look-agains-creative-industries-development-programme-in-north-east-scotland>. ———. “Restored and Re-Imagined Aberdeen Music Hall to Open to the Public in December.” 2018. 19 Mar. 2022 <https://www.creativescotland.com/what-we-do/latest-news/archive/2018/10/restored-and-re-imagined-aberdeen-music-hall-to-open-to-the-public-in-december>. Cultivate. “Cultivate: Creative Industries in the North East.” 10 May 2022 <https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5bd1cecc8155121e0614281b/t/5ef49de0036c70345dabc378/1593089519746/ CULTIVATE_project+report+2018.pdf>. Culture Aberdeen. “A Cultural Strategy for the City of Aberdeen 2018-2028.” 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.cultureaberdeen.org/>. Deemouth Artist Studios. 5 June 2022 <https://www.deemouthartiststudios.co.uk/>. Ekos. “Creative Industries in North East Scotland.”. 2014. 10 May 2022 <https://www3.rgu.ac.uk/download.cfm?downloadfile=6117EE60-FB84-11E3-80660050568D00BF&typename=dmFile&fieldname=filename>. EP Spaces. 5 June 2022 <https://www.craftscotland.org/community/opportunity/low-cost-studio-spaces-ep-spaces--978>. First Group. The First Group Timeline. 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.firstgroupplc.com/about-firstgroup/our-history.aspx>. Florida, Richard. The Rise of the Creative Class: And How It’s Transforming Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life. New York: Basic Books 2002. Investaberdeen. “The UK’s Most Sustainable Venue.” 24 Feb. 2022 <https://investaberdeen.co.uk/flagship-projects/the-event-complex-aberdeen-(teca)>. Landry, Charles. “Lineages of the Creative City.” 24 Feb. 2022 <http://charleslandry.com/panel/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2013/03/Lineages-of-the-Creative-City.pdf>. McGillivray, David, and Turner, Daniel. Event Bidding: Politics, Persuasion and Resistance. Abingdon: Routledge 2018. McLean, Pauline. “Aberdeen Art Gallery Reopens after £34.6m Revamp.” BBC News, 2019. 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-north-east-orkney-shetland-50263849>. Museums Association. “Aberdeen Art Gallery Wins Architecture Award.” 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.museumsassociation.org/museums-journal/news/2021/11/aberdeen-art-gallery-wins-architecture-award/#>. Opportunity North East (ONE). 5 June 2022 <Who We Are | ONE (opportunitynortheast.com)>. P&J. “12 Pictures Show the ‘Golden Age’ of Broadford Works.” 2015. 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.pressandjournal.co.uk/fp/news/591034/12-memorable-pictures-rolling-back-through-the-years-of-the-broadford-works/>. ———. History. 10 May 2022 <https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/titles/aberdeen-press-and-journal>. Peaco*ck Visual Arts. 6 June 2022 <https://peaco*ck.studio/>. Port of Aberdeen. 24 Feb. 2022 <http://aberdeen-harbour.co.uk/about-us/history/#:~:text=Aberdeen%20Harbour%20was%20established%20in,has%20spanned%20almost%20900%20years>. Regeneris Consulting. “Aberdeen: Initial Bid for UK City of Culture – Feedback Points: UK City of Culture 2017.” 3 June 2022 <https://www.whatdotheyknow.com/request/297184/response/736087/attach/3/2017%20pt%201.pdf>. RGU. “Creative Accelerator Programme.” 2019. 10 May 2022 <https://www.rgu.ac.uk/news/news-2019/1902-rgu-launches-accelerator-to-support-next-generation-of-creatives>. ———. "Our History." 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.rgu.ac.uk/about/our-history>. ———. “Creating a New North.” 2014. 10 May 2022 <https://www3.rgu.ac.uk/file/creating-a-new-north-pdf-1-7-mb>. ———. “Regenerating Aberdeen: A Vision for a Thriving and Vibrant City Centre.” 2014. 10 May 2022 <https://rgu-repository.worktribe.com/output/248420/regenerating-aberdeen-a-vision-for-a-thriving-and-vibrant-city-centre>. RSA. “The Scottish Enlightenment and the Aberdeen Wise Club.” 2020. 24 Feb. 2022 <The Scottish Enlightenment and the Aberdeen Wise Club - RSA (thersa.org)>. Scottish Government. Creative Industries Policy Statement. 2019. 10 May 2022 <https://www.gov.scot/publications/policy-statement-creative-industries/>. Shore Porters Society. 24 Feb. 2022 <https://www.scotland.org/about-scotland/facts/worlds-oldest-transport-business>. UK Government. “City Deal: Aberdeen City Region.” 6 June 2022 <https://view.officeapps.live.com/op/view.aspx?src=https%3A%2F%2Fassets.publishing.service.gov.uk%2F government%2Fuploads%2Fsystem%2Fuploads%2Fattachment_data%2F file%2F576627%2FAberdeen_City_Region_Deal_.docx&wdOrigin=BROWSELINK>. University of Aberdeen. 3 June 2022 <https://www.abdn.ac.uk/about/history/our-history.php>. Visit Aberdeenshire. "Marischal College." 5 June 2022 <https://www.visitabdn.com/listing/marischal-college#:~:text=Marischal%20College%20is%20said%20to,more%20austere%20architecture%20(1837)>. Visit Aberdeenshire. "NuArt Aberdeen." 5 June 2022 <https://www.visitabdn.com/listing/nuart-aberdeen#:~:text=Originating%20in%20Norway%20in%202001,public%20art%20event%20to%20Aberdeen>. Williams, Eliza. “How the Look Again Festival Is Carving Out a New Creative Community in Aberdeen.” Creative Review (2019). 3 June 2022 <https://www.creativereview.co.uk/how-the-look-again-festival-is-carving-out-a-new-creative-community-in-aberdeen/>.

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Photo by Umanoide on Unsplash INTRODUCTION In the US, more than three million people have magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scans daily.[1] MRIs are the most common way to image the brain and detect tumors, brain injuries, strokes, aneurysms, sclerosis, and other conditions.[2] After the procedure, the images are usually kept by the hospital or other medical facility. Thousands of neuroimages are shared among the researchers to increase the data available for studies and enable scientific discovery. l. Reidentification Using AI and Facial Recognition The possibility of the reidentification of an individual using AI and facial recognition technology is an ethical concern. AI can reidentify a person from the scan by reconstructing the face.[3] Despite the steps taken to deidentify the patient, such as removing or changing the name, age, identification number, gender, and postal code, according to the Mayo Clinic researchers, the software still can reidentify individuals from deidentified scans.[4] The Mayo Clinic’s study shows that AI was 83 percent successful in reidentifying the person by analyzing the scans.[5] In most cases, scientists can share anonymized information without the patient's consent.[6] The only way to anonymize the scan and to remove any personal data that can lead to reidentification is to blur the image, which would compromise the ability to read and analyze the scan, defeating the purpose of sharing the data. One of the fundamental values in the relationship between a physician and a patient is respect for autonomy and privacy. When subjects enter a clinical study, the researchers guarantee confidentiality. Yet, it seems impossible to protect a patient's privacy when sharing brain scans. Potential MRI image reidentification impacts research participants, healthcare providers, and government regulating bodies. I suggest that modified informed consent and the introduction of data misuse liability could improve accountability to the patient while still allowing societal health benefits associated with data sharing for research and education. Furthermore, I advocate patients who agree to data sharing be granted a small financial reward as a sign of recognition of their contribution to the medical field. ll. Privacy Privacy is a fundamental human right and especially important when sensitive medical information is shared. Deidentification can expose a research subject to unfortunate events, including but not limited to increasing cost of insurance, discrimination, and humiliation.[7] “This identification would result in an infringement of privacy that could include diagnoses, cognitive scores, genetic data, biomarkers, results of other imaging, and participation in studies or trials.”[8] In the same study that found the 83 percent successful reidentification, AI wrongly identified 15 percent of the patients.[9] Misidentification may lead researchers to overlook relevant information. Suppose a certain type of tumor develops predominantly in men, and patient X is a man and has the tumor and is not aware of it. If AI incorrectly labeled patient X female and skipped the tumor detection analysis of her scan, the AI would fail to detect her condition. Internal bias in AI may harm the patients even further. lll. Who Benefits from Sharing Scans? Patients who are willing to risk their privacy are not directly benefiting from sharing their brain images in their health care. The research is usually designed for the common good and for improving medical care and diagnosis generally. Often, current patients benefit future patients. Stimulating the development of treatment for future patients is an important societal benefit, but patients should know they may not benefit from sharing scans.[10] (In some cases, patients will benefit from research involving their own scans.) lV. Research and the Importance of Sharing Data Data sharing is essential for the research and development of new medical treatments that would benefit current and future patients. I argue that patients have a duty to contribute to this process by providing images because they are beneficiaries of data derived from previous patients. The existing images increase the sample size,[11] producing more valid and generalizable results. If patient X is using a certain cancer treatment, patient X is arguably indebted to past patients who contributed health data to the medical research. Because of such a gracious act by another patient, X is benefitting and thus has a duty to assist future patients by sharing data. It is wrong to be a free rider in society. In addition to past patient research, institutions use both public and private resources to train the physicians who treat patient X and to build hospitals where patient X seeks treatment While the argument I promote is likely not strong enough to compel participation in risky clinical trials, and it does not negate a moral right to refuse, it promotes participation in scientific research as a moral good, and sometimes, an obligation. Despite the low risk that the data would not be protected to the highest degree, patients ought to share it with scientists to give back to society. Furthermore, scientists may not have enough incentive to share the data.[12] Deidentification is a time-consuming manual process that society underappreciates. Despite the overall benefit to the community and the scientists’ dedication and curiosity, the deidentification process is an obstacle to data sharing that would benefit society. Recognizing the risk to patient privacy and the difficulty physicians already face, I argue that a better balance should ensure privacy while incentivizing sharing scans. V. Establishing Liability: A Rule to Ensure Proper Use and Prohibit Reidentification A government agency such as Health Canada or the Federal Drug Administration (FDA) is interested in promoting clinical studies while protecting the research subjects. Yet, Health Canada recognizes that it is impossible to eliminate the risk of reidentification.[13] Direct personal identifiers, of course, pose a higher risk to the research subject; yet there should not be a blanket prohibition of neuroimaging share. Currently, the risk is diminished by the requirement to sign a data use agreement.[14] Currently, there is no universal rule on the liability of reidentification breach; rather, there are numerous suggestions to ensure ethical data use. The European and North American Multisociety suggests that release of information and data use agreements (DUA) are critical tools in making it clear what various stakeholders are permitted or prohibited to do with the data.[15] Yet, the statement does not impose any liability for DUA breach, rather it only goes as far to suggest that data sharing should be traceable.[16] I suggest introducing and establishing a clear liability for data misuse. A controlling body, such as the FDA or Health Canada, needs to continuously check data use compliance and, in case of illegal use, apply appropriate penalties. This will strengthen the research subjects’ protection and give more reason for researchers to follow the rules. CONCLUSION As mentioned above, data sharing contributes to society in the long run. Therefore, the government must provide incentives to both scientists and patients to contribute to the medical field. The risks of reidentification need to be clearly outlined in the informed consent process, and subjects should be financially rewarded for their images. I suggest a financial reward since there are direct benefits to current patients, yet the scientists and others cut costs by accessing existing data. Thus, to be just, the savings from the industry cost-cutting needs to be given to people who are risking their privacy. The financial reward can be as little as five dollars, enough to recognize the good deed of contribution. The neuroimaging data share comes at costs to both researchers and trial participants, yet the burdens and risks can be decreased with the efforts of governmental bodies. - [1] Conor Stewart, “MRI Scan Volume by Facility Type U.S. 2016 and 2017,” Statista, March 24, 2021, https://www.statista.com/statistics/820927/mri-scans-number-in-us-by-facility-type/. [2] “MRI,” Mayo Clinic (Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research, August 3, 2019), https://www.mayoclinic.org/tests-procedures/mri/about/pac-20384768. [3] Gina Kolata, “You Got a Brain Scan at the Hospital. Someday a Computer May Use It to Identify You.,” The New York Times (The New York Times, October 23, 2019), https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/23/health/brain-scans-personal-identity.html. [4] “Mayo Clinic Studies Patient Privacy in MRI Research,” Mayo Clinic (Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research), accessed July 20, 2021, https://newsnetwork.mayoclinic.org/discussion/mayo-clinic-studies-patient-privacy-in-mri-research/. [5] “Mayo Clinic Studies Patient Privacy in MRI Research,” Mayo Clinic (Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research), accessed July 20, 2021, https://newsnetwork.mayoclinic.org/discussion/mayo-clinic-studies-patient-privacy-in-mri-research/. [6] Tonya White, Elisabet Blok, and Vince D. Calhoun, “Data Sharing and Privacy Issues in Neuroimaging Research: Opportunities, Obstacles, Challenges, and Monsters under the Bed,” Human Brain Mapping, April 2020, https://doi.org/10.1002/hbm.25120, 3. [7] Jacob L. Jaremko et al., “Canadian Association of Radiologists White Paper on Ethical and Legal Issues Related to Artificial Intelligence in Radiology,” Canadian Association of Radiologists Journal 70, no. 2 (2019): pp. 107-118, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.carj.2019.03.001, 110. [8] Letter to the Editor Identification of Anonymous MRI Research Participants with Face-Recognition Software N Engl J Med 2019; 381:1684-1686, DOI: 10.1056/NEJMc1908881. https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMc1908881 [9] “Mayo Clinic Studies Patient Privacy in MRI Research,” Mayo Clinic (Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research), accessed July 20, 2021, [10] “Mayo Clinic Studies Patient Privacy in MRI Research,” Mayo Clinic (Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research), accessed July 20, 2021, https://newsnetwork.mayoclinic.org/discussion/mayo-clinic-studies-patient-privacy-in-mri-research/. [11] Tonya White, Elisabet Blok, and Vince D. Calhoun, “Data Sharing and Privacy Issues in Neuroimaging Research: Opportunities, Obstacles, Challenges, and Monsters under the Bed,” Human Brain Mapping, April 2020, https://doi.org/10.1002/hbm.25120, 2. [12] Tonya White, Elisabet Blok, and Vince D. Calhoun, “Data Sharing and Privacy Issues in Neuroimaging Research: Opportunities, Obstacles, Challenges, and Monsters under the Bed,” Human Brain Mapping, April 2020, https://doi.org/10.1002/hbm.25120, 8. [13] William Parker et al., “Canadian Association of Radiologists White Paper on De-Identification of Medical Imaging: Part 1, General Principles,” Canadian Association of Radiologists Journal 72, no. 1 (March 2020): pp. 13-24, https://doi.org/10.1177/0846537120967349, 19. [14] “Mayo Clinic Studies Patient Privacy in MRI Research,” Mayo Clinic (Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research), accessed July 20, 2021, [15] Geis JR, Brady AP, Wu CC, et al. Ethics of Artificial Intelligence in Radiology: Summary of the Joint European and North American Multisociety Statement. Radiology. 2019;293(2):436-440. doi:10.1148/radiol.2019191586. [16] Geis, et al.

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Introduction The highly contagious COVID-19 virus has presented particularly difficult public policy challenges. The relatively late emergence of an effective treatments and vaccines, the structural stresses on health care systems, the lockdowns and the economic dislocations, the evident structural inequalities in effected societies, as well as the difficulty of prevention have tested social and political cohesion. Moreover, the intrusive nature of many prophylactic measures have led to individual liberty and human rights concerns. As noted by the Victorian (Australia) Ombudsman Report on the COVID-19 lockdown in Melbourne, we may be tempted, during a crisis, to view human rights as expendable in the pursuit of saving human lives. This thinking can lead to dangerous territory. It is not unlawful to curtail fundamental rights and freedoms when there are compelling reasons for doing so; human rights are inherently and inseparably a consideration of human lives. (5) These difficulties have raised issues about the importance of social or community capital in fighting the pandemic. This article discusses the impacts of social and community capital and other factors on the governmental efforts to combat the spread of infectious disease through the maintenance of social distancing and household ‘bubbles’. It argues that the beneficial effects of social and community capital towards fighting the pandemic, such as mutual respect and empathy, which underpins such public health measures as social distancing, the use of personal protective equipment, and lockdowns in the USA, have been undermined as preventive measures because they have been transmogrified to become a salient aspect of the “culture wars” (Peters). In contrast, states that have relatively lower social capital such a China have been able to more effectively arrest transmission of the disease because the government was been able to generate and personify a nationalist response to the virus and thus generate a more robust social consensus regarding the efforts to combat the disease. Social Capital and Culture Wars The response to COVID-19 required individuals, families, communities, and other types of groups to refrain from extensive interaction – to stay in their bubble. In these situations, especially given the asymptomatic nature of many COVID-19 infections and the serious imposition lockdowns and social distancing and isolation, the temptation for individuals to breach public health rules in high. From the perspective of policymakers, the response to fighting COVID-19 is a collective action problem. In studying collective action problems, scholars have paid much attention on the role of social and community capital (Ostrom and Ahn 17-35). Ostrom and Ahn comment that social capital “provides a synthesizing approach to how cultural, social, and institutional aspects of communities of various sizes jointly affect their capacity of dealing with collective-action problems” (24). Social capital is regarded as an evolving social type of cultural trait (f*ckuyama; Guiso et al.). Adger argues that social capital “captures the nature of social relations” and “provides an explanation for how individuals use their relationships to other actors in societies for their own and for the collective good” (387). The most frequently used definition of social capital is the one proffered by Putnam who regards it as “features of social organization, such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam, “Bowling Alone” 65). All these studies suggest that social and community capital has at least two elements: “objective associations” and subjective ties among individuals. Objective associations, or social networks, refer to both formal and informal associations that are formed and engaged in on a voluntary basis by individuals and social groups. Subjective ties or norms, on the other hand, primarily stand for trust and reciprocity (Paxton). High levels of social capital have generally been associated with democratic politics and civil societies whose institutional performance benefits from the coordinated actions and civic culture that has been facilitated by high levels of social capital (Putnam, Democracy 167-9). Alternatively, a “good and fair” state and impartial institutions are important factors in generating and preserving high levels of social capital (Offe 42-87). Yet social capital is not limited to democratic civil societies and research is mixed on whether rising social capital manifests itself in a more vigorous civil society that in turn leads to democratising impulses. Castillo argues that various trust levels for institutions that reinforce submission, hierarchy, and cultural conservatism can be high in authoritarian governments, indicating that high levels of social capital do not necessarily lead to democratic civic societies (Castillo et al.). Roßteutscher concludes after a survey of social capita indicators in authoritarian states that social capital has little effect of democratisation and may in fact reinforce authoritarian rule: in nondemocratic contexts, however, it appears to throw a spanner in the works of democratization. Trust increases the stability of nondemocratic leaderships by generating popular support, by suppressing regime threatening forms of protest activity, and by nourishing undemocratic ideals concerning governance (752). In China, there has been ongoing debate concerning the presence of civil society and the level of social capital found across Chinese society. If one defines civil society as an intermediate associational realm between the state and the family, populated by autonomous organisations which are separate from the state that are formed voluntarily by members of society to protect or extend their interests or values, it is arguable that the PRC had a significant civil society or social capital in the first few decades after its establishment (White). However, most scholars agree that nascent civil society as well as a more salient social and community capital has emerged in China’s reform era. This was evident after the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, where the government welcomed community organising and community-driven donation campaigns for a limited period of time, giving the NGO sector and bottom-up social activism a boost, as evidenced in various policy areas such as disaster relief and rural community development (F. Wu 126; Xu 9). Nevertheless, the CCP and the Chinese state have been effective in maintaining significant control over civil society and autonomous groups without attempting to completely eliminate their autonomy or existence. The dramatic economic and social changes that have occurred since the 1978 Opening have unsurprisingly engendered numerous conflicts across the society. In response, the CCP and State have adjusted political economic policies to meet the changing demands of workers, migrants, the unemployed, minorities, farmers, local artisans, entrepreneurs, and the growing middle class. Often the demands arising from these groups have resulted in policy changes, including compensation. In other circ*mstances, where these groups remain dissatisfied, the government will tolerate them (ignore them but allow them to continue in the advocacy), or, when the need arises, supress the disaffected groups (F. Wu 2). At the same time, social organisations and other groups in civil society have often “refrained from open and broad contestation against the regime”, thereby gaining the space and autonomy to achieve the objectives (F. Wu 2). Studies of Chinese social or community capital suggest that a form of modern social capital has gradually emerged as Chinese society has become increasingly modernised and liberalised (despite being non-democratic), and that this social capital has begun to play an important role in shaping social and economic lives at the local level. However, this more modern form of social capital, arising from developmental and social changes, competes with traditional social values and social capital, which stresses parochial and particularistic feelings among known individuals while modern social capital emphasises general trust and reciprocal feelings among both known and unknown individuals. The objective element of these traditional values are those government-sanctioned, formal mass organisations such as Communist Youth and the All-China Federation of Women's Associations, where members are obliged to obey the organisation leadership. The predominant subjective values are parochial and particularistic feelings among individuals who know one another, such as guanxi and zongzu (Chen and Lu, 426). The concept of social capital emphasises that the underlying cooperative values found in individuals and groups within a culture are an important factor in solving collective problems. In contrast, the notion of “culture war” focusses on those values and differences that divide social and cultural groups. Barry defines culture wars as increases in volatility, expansion of polarisation, and conflict between those who are passionate about religiously motivated politics, traditional morality, and anti-intellectualism, and…those who embrace progressive politics, cultural openness, and scientific and modernist orientations. (90) The contemporary culture wars across the world manifest opposition by various groups in society who hold divergent worldviews and ideological positions. Proponents of culture war understand various issues as part of a broader set of religious, political, and moral/normative positions invoked in opposition to “elite”, “liberal”, or “left” ideologies. Within this Manichean universe opposition to such issues as climate change, Black Lives Matter, same sex rights, prison reform, gun control, and immigration becomes framed in binary terms, and infused with a moral sensibility (Chapman 8-10). In many disputes, the culture war often devolves into an epistemological dispute about the efficacy of scientific knowledge and authority, or a dispute between “practical” and theoretical knowledge. In this environment, even facts can become partisan narratives. For these “cultural” disputes are often how electoral prospects (generally right-wing) are advanced; “not through policies or promises of a better life, but by fostering a sense of threat, a fantasy that something profoundly pure … is constantly at risk of extinction” (Malik). This “zero-sum” social and policy environment that makes it difficult to compromise and has serious consequences for social stability or government policy, especially in a liberal democratic society. Of course, from the perspective of cultural materialism such a reductionist approach to culture and political and social values is not unexpected. “Culture” is one of the many arenas in which dominant social groups seek to express and reproduce their interests and preferences. “Culture” from this sense is “material” and is ultimately connected to the distribution of power, wealth, and resources in society. As such, the various policy areas that are understood as part of the “culture wars” are another domain where various dominant and subordinate groups and interests engaged in conflict express their values and goals. Yet it is unexpected that despite the pervasiveness of information available to individuals the pool of information consumed by individuals who view the “culture wars” as a touchstone for political behaviour and a narrative to categorise events and facts is relatively closed. This lack of balance has been magnified by social media algorithms, conspiracy-laced talk radio, and a media ecosystem that frames and discusses issues in a manner that elides into an easily understood “culture war” narrative. From this perspective, the groups (generally right-wing or traditionalist) exist within an information bubble that reinforces political, social, and cultural predilections. American and Chinese Reponses to COVID-19 The COVID-19 pandemic first broke out in Wuhan in December 2019. Initially unprepared and unwilling to accept the seriousness of the infection, the Chinese government regrouped from early mistakes and essentially controlled transmission in about three months. This positive outcome has been messaged as an exposition of the superiority of the Chinese governmental system and society both domestically and internationally; a positive, even heroic performance that evidences the populist credentials of the Chinese political leadership and demonstrates national excellence. The recently published White Paper entitled “Fighting COVID-19: China in Action” also summarises China’s “strategic achievement” in the simple language of numbers: in a month, the rising spread was contained; in two months, the daily case increase fell to single digits; and in three months, a “decisive victory” was secured in Wuhan City and Hubei Province (Xinhua). This clear articulation of the positive results has rallied political support. Indeed, a recent survey shows that 89 percent of citizens are satisfied with the government’s information dissemination during the pandemic (C Wu). As part of the effort, the government extensively promoted the provision of “political goods”, such as law and order, national unity and pride, and shared values. For example, severe publishments were introduced for violence against medical professionals and police, producing and selling counterfeit medications, raising commodity prices, spreading ‘rumours’, and being uncooperative with quarantine measures (Xu). Additionally, as an extension the popular anti-corruption campaign, many local political leaders were disciplined or received criminal charges for inappropriate behaviour, abuse of power, and corruption during the pandemic (People.cn, 2 Feb. 2020). Chinese state media also described fighting the virus as a global “competition”. In this competition a nation’s “material power” as well as “mental strength”, that calls for the highest level of nation unity and patriotism, is put to the test. This discourse recalled the global competition in light of the national mythology related to the formation of Chinese nation, the historical “hardship”, and the “heroic Chinese people” (People.cn, 7 Apr. 2020). Moreover, as the threat of infection receded, it was emphasised that China “won this competition” and the Chinese people have demonstrated the “great spirit of China” to the world: a result built upon the “heroism of the whole Party, Army, and Chinese people from all ethnic groups” (People.cn, 7 Apr. 2020). In contrast to the Chinese approach of emphasising national public goods as a justification for fighting the virus, the U.S. Trump Administration used nationalism, deflection, and “culture war” discourse to undermine health responses — an unprecedented response in American public health policy. The seriousness of the disease as well as the statistical evidence of its course through the American population was disputed. The President and various supporters raged against the COVID-19 “hoax”, social distancing, and lockdowns, disparaged public health institutions and advice, and encouraged protesters to “liberate” locked-down states (Russonello). “Our federal overlords say ‘no singing’ and ‘no shouting’ on Thanksgiving”, Representative Paul Gosar, a Republican of Arizona, wrote as he retweeted a Centers for Disease Control list of Thanksgiving safety tips (Weiner). People were encouraged, by way of the White House and Republican leadership, to ignore health regulations and not to comply with social distancing measures and the wearing of masks (Tracy). This encouragement led to threats against proponents of face masks such as Dr Anthony Fauci, one of the nation’s foremost experts on infectious diseases, who required bodyguards because of the many threats on his life. Fauci’s critics — including President Trump — countered Fauci’s promotion of mask wearing by stating accusingly that he once said mask-wearing was not necessary for ordinary people (Kelly). Conspiracy theories as to the safety of vaccinations also grew across the course of the year. As the 2020 election approached, the Administration ramped up efforts to downplay the serious of the virus by identifying it with “the media” and illegitimate “partisan” efforts to undermine the Trump presidency. It also ramped up its criticism of China as the source of the infection. This political self-centeredness undermined state and federal efforts to slow transmission (Shear et al.). At the same time, Trump chided health officials for moving too slowly on vaccine approvals, repeated charges that high infection rates were due to increased testing, and argued that COVID-19 deaths were exaggerated by medical providers for political and financial reasons. These claims were amplified by various conservative media personalities such as Rush Limbaugh, and Sean Hannity and Laura Ingraham of Fox News. The result of this “COVID-19 Denialism” and the alternative narrative of COVID-19 policy told through the lens of culture war has resulted in the United States having the highest number of COVID-19 cases, and the highest number of COVID-19 deaths. At the same time, the underlying social consensus and social capital that have historically assisted in generating positive public health outcomes has been significantly eroded. According to the Pew Research Center, the share of U.S. adults who say public health officials such as those at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are doing an excellent or good job responding to the outbreak decreased from 79% in March to 63% in August, with an especially sharp decrease among Republicans (Pew Research Center 2020). Social Capital and COVID-19 From the perspective of social or community capital, it could be expected that the American response to the Pandemic would be more effective than the Chinese response. Historically, the United States has had high levels of social capital, a highly developed public health system, and strong governmental capacity. In contrast, China has a relatively high level of governmental and public health capacity, but the level of social capital has been lower and there is a significant presence of traditional values which emphasise parochial and particularistic values. Moreover, the antecedent institutions of social capital, such as weak and inefficient formal institutions (Batjargal et al.), environmental turbulence and resource scarcity along with the transactional nature of guanxi (gift-giving and information exchange and relationship dependence) militate against finding a more effective social and community response to the public health emergency. Yet China’s response has been significantly more successful than the Unites States’. Paradoxically, the American response under the Trump Administration and the Chinese response both relied on an externalisation of the both the threat and the justifications for their particular response. In the American case, President Trump, while downplaying the seriousness of the virus, consistently called it the “China virus” in an effort to deflect responsibly as well as a means to avert attention away from the public health impacts. As recently as 3 January 2021, Trump tweeted that the number of “China Virus” cases and deaths in the U.S. were “far exaggerated”, while critically citing the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's methodology: “When in doubt, call it COVID-19. Fake News!” (Bacon). The Chinese Government, meanwhile, has pursued a more aggressive foreign policy across the South China Sea, on the frontier in the Indian sub-continent, and against states such as Australia who have criticised the initial Chinese response to COVID-19. To this international criticism, the government reiterated its sovereign rights and emphasised its “victimhood” in the face of “anti-China” foreign forces. Chinese state media also highlighted China as “victim” of the coronavirus, but also as a target of Western “political manoeuvres” when investigating the beginning stages of the pandemic. The major difference, however, is that public health policy in the United States was superimposed on other more fundamental political and cultural cleavages, and part of this externalisation process included the assignation of “otherness” and demonisation of internal political opponents or characterising political opponents as bent on destroying the United States. This assignation of “otherness” to various internal groups is a crucial element in the culture wars. While this may have been inevitable given the increasingly frayed nature of American society post-2008, such a characterisation has been activity pushed by local, state, and national leadership in the Republican Party and the Trump Administration (Vogel et al.). In such circ*mstances, minimising health risks and highlighting civil rights concerns due to public health measures, along with assigning blame to the democratic opposition and foreign states such as China, can have a major impact of public health responses. The result has been that social trust beyond the bubble of one’s immediate circle or those who share similar beliefs is seriously compromised — and the collective action problem presented by COVID-19 remains unsolved. Daniel Aldrich’s study of disasters in Japan, India, and US demonstrates that pre-existing high levels of social capital would lead to stronger resilience and better recovery (Aldrich). Social capital helps coordinate resources and facilitate the reconstruction collectively and therefore would lead to better recovery (Alesch et al.). Yet there has not been much research on how the pool of social capital first came about and how a disaster may affect the creation and store of social capital. Rebecca Solnit has examined five major disasters and describes that after these events, survivors would reach out and work together to confront the challenges they face, therefore increasing the social capital in the community (Solnit). However, there are studies that have concluded that major disasters can damage the social fabric in local communities (Peaco*ck et al.). The COVID-19 epidemic does not have the intensity and suddenness of other disasters but has had significant knock-on effects in increasing or decreasing social capital, depending on the institutional and social responses to the pandemic. In China, it appears that the positive social capital effects have been partially subsumed into a more generalised patriotic or nationalist affirmation of the government’s policy response. Unlike civil society responses to earlier crises, such as the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, there is less evidence of widespread community organisation and response to combat the epidemic at its initial stages. This suggests better institutional responses to the crisis by the government, but also a high degree of porosity between civil society and a national “imagined community” represented by the national state. The result has been an increased legitimacy for the Chinese government. Alternatively, in the United States the transformation of COVID-19 public health policy into a culture war issue has seriously impeded efforts to combat the epidemic in the short term by undermining the social consensus and social capital necessary to fight such a pandemic. Trust in American institutions is historically low, and President Trump’s untrue contention that President Biden’s election was due to “fraud” has further undermined the legitimacy of the American government, as evidenced by the attacks directed at Congress in the U.S. capital on 6 January 2021. As such, the lingering effects the pandemic will have on social, economic, and political institutions will likely reinforce the deep cultural and political cleavages and weaken interpersonal networks in American society. Conclusion The COVID-19 pandemic has devastated global public health and impacted deeply on the world economy. Unsurprisingly, given the serious economic, social, and political consequences, different government responses have been highly politicised. Various quarantine and infection case tracking methods have caused concern over state power intruding into private spheres. The usage of face masks, social distancing rules, and intra-state travel restrictions have aroused passionate debate over public health restrictions, individual liberty, and human rights. Yet underlying public health responses grounded in higher levels of social capital enhance the effectiveness of public health measures. In China, a country that has generally been associated with lower social capital, it is likely that the relatively strong policy response to COVID-19 will both enhance feelings of nationalism and Chinese exceptionalism and help create and increase the store of social capital. 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IntroductionThis paper explores the different meanings that individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds associate with being authentic. It builds on previous research (Menendez 11) that found quantitative differences in terms of the meanings individuals from Eastern and Western backgrounds tend to associate with being authentic. Using qualitative analysis, it describes in more detail how individuals from these two backgrounds construct their different meanings of authenticity.Authenticity has become an overriding moral principle in contemporary Western societies and has only recently started to be contested (Feldman). From cultural products to individuals’ discourses, authenticity pervades Western culture (Lindholm; Potter; Vannini and Williams). On an individual level, the ideal of authenticity is reflected in the maxim “be true to yourself.” The social value of authenticity has a relatively recent history in the Western world of approximately 200 years (Trilling). It started to develop alongside the notion of individuality during modernity (Taylor, Sources; Trilling). The Romantic movement consolidated its cultural influence (Taylor, Sources). In the 1960s, the Hippy movement revived authenticity as a countercultural discourse, although it has progressively become mainstream through consumer culture and therapeutic discourses (Binkley).Most of the studies in the literature on authenticity as a cultural phenomenon are theoretical, conducted from a philosophical perspective (Ferrara; Guignon; Taylor, Ethics), but few of them are empirical, mostly from sociology (Erickson; Franzese, Thine; Turner, Quest; Vannini, Authenticity). Part of this dearth of empirical research on authenticity is due to the difficulties that researchers encounter in attempting to define what it means to be authentic (Franzese, Authenticity 87). Sociologists study the phenomenological experience of being true to oneself, but are less attentive to the metaphysical notion of being a “true self” (Vannini, Dead 236–37). Trying to preserve this open approach, without judging individuals on how “authentic” they are, is what makes defining authenticity difficult. For this reason, sociologists have defined being authentic in a broad sense as “an individual’s subjective sense that their behaviour, appearance, self, reflects their sense of core being. One’s sense of core being is composed of their values, beliefs, feelings, identities, self-meanings, etc.” (Franzese, Authenticity 87); this is the definition of authenticity that I use here. Besides being scarce, the sociological empirical studies on authenticity have been conducted with individuals from Western backgrounds and, thus, have privileged authenticity as a Western cultural construct. This paper tries to contribute to this field of research by: (1) contributing more empirical investigation and (2) providing cross-cultural comparison between individuals from Eastern and Western backgrounds.The literature on cross-cultural values associates Eastern societies with collective (Hofstede, Hofstede and Mirkov 95–97; 112–17) and material or survival (Inglehart and Welzel 51–57; 61–65) values, while Western societies tend to be linked to the opposite kind of values: individual, post-material or self-expression (WVS). For example, societies that score high in survival values are likely to be African (e.g., Zimbabwe) Middle Eastern (e.g., Morocco and Jordan) or Asian (e.g., Bangladesh) countries, while societies that score high in self-expression values tend to be European (e.g., Sweden) or English speaking (e.g., Australia) countries. Nevertheless, there are some exceptions, the case of Japan, for example, which tends to score high in self-expression values despite being an “Eastern” society (WVS). These differences also tend to be reflected among Eastern minorities living in Western countries (Chua and Rubenfeld). Collective values emphasise harmony in relations and prioritise the needs of the group over the individual; on the other hand, individual values emphasise self-expression. Material or survival values accentuate the satisfaction of “basic” needs, in Abraham Maslow’s terms (21), such as physiological or security needs, and imply practising thrift and delaying immediate gratification; by contrast, post-material or self-expression values stress the satisfaction of “higher” needs, such as freedom of speech, equality, or aesthetic needs.The sociologist Ralph Turner (Real) created a theoretical framework to organize individuals’ discourses around authenticity: the “impulsive” and “institutional” categories. One of Turner’s assumptions is particularly important in understanding the differences between these two categories: individuals tend to consider the self as an objective entity that, despite only existing in their minds, feels “real” to them. This can have consequences for the meanings they ascribe to certain internal subjective states, such as cognitions or emotions, which can be interpreted as indicators of their authentic selves (990–91).The institutional and impulsive categories are two different ways of understanding authenticity that present several differences (991–95). Two among them are most relevant to understand the differences that I discuss in this paper. The first one has to do with the individual’s locus of the self, whether the self is conceptualized as located “outside” or “inside” the individual. Impulsive interpretations of authenticity have an internal sense of authenticity as “being,” while institutional conceptualizations have an external sense of authenticity as “becoming.” For “impulsives,” the authentic self is something that must be searched for. Impulsives look within to discover their “true self,” which is often in opposition to society’s roles and its expectations of the individual. On the other hand, for “institutionals” authentic is achieved through external effort (Turner, Quest 155); it is something that individuals achieve through regular practice, often aligned with society’s roles and their expectations of the individual (Turner, Real 992).The second difference has to do with the management of emotions. For an institutional understanding of authenticity, individuals are true to their own authentic selves when they are in full control of their capacities and emotions. By contrast, from an impulsive point of view, individuals are true to themselves when they are spontaneous, accepting and freely expressing their emotions, often by breaking the internal or external controls that society imposes on them (Turner, Real 993).Although individuals can experience both types of authenticity, previous research on this topic (Menendez) has shown that institutional experiences tend to happen more frequently among Easterners, and impulsive experiences tend to occur more frequently among Westerners. In this paper, I show how Easterners and Westerners construct institutional and impulsive meanings of authenticity respectively; what kind of authenticity work individuals from these two backgrounds do when they conceptualize their authentic selves; how they interpret internal subjective states as expressions of who they are; and what stories they tell themselves about who they are.I suggest that these stories, although they may look purely individual, can also be social. Individuals from Western backgrounds tend to interpret impulsive experiences of authenticity as expressing their authentic selves, as they are informed by the individual and post-material values of Western societies. In contrast, individuals from Eastern backgrounds tend to interpret institutional experiences of authenticity as expressing their authentic selves, as they have been socialized in the more collective and material values of Eastern societies.Finally, and before I proceed to the analysis, I would like to acknowledge a limitation of this study. The dichotomies that I use to explain my argument, such as the Western and Eastern or the impulsive and institutional categories, can constitute a limitation for this paper because they cannot reflect nuances. They can be easily contested. For example, the division between Eastern and Western societies is often seen as ideological and Turner’s distinction between institutional and impulsive experiences of authenticity can create artificial separations between the notions of self and society or reason and passion (Solomon 173). However, these concepts have not been used for ideological or simplifying purposes, but to help explain distinguishable cultural orientations towards authenticity in the data.MethodologyI completed 20 interviews (from 50 minutes to 2 hours in length) with 20 students at La Trobe University (Australia), between September 2012 and April 2013. The 20 interviewees (9 females and 11 males), ranged from 18 to 58 years old (the median age was 24 years old). The sample was theoretically designed to cover as many diverse cultural backgrounds as possible. I asked the interviewees questions about: moments they had experienced that felt either authentic and inauthentic, what constitutes a life worth-living, and the impact their cultural backgrounds might have had on their conceptions of their true selves.The 20 interviewees were born in 13 different countries. According to the extensive dataset on cultural values, the World Values Survey (WVS), these 13 countries have different percentages of post-materialists—individuals who choose post-material instead of material values (Inglehart and Welzel 54–56). Table 1 shows the percentages of post-materialists in each of the interviewees’ countries of birth. Table 1: Percentages of post-materialists in the interviewees’ countries of birth Country % of post-materialists WVS Wave United Kingdom 22.8 2005 – 2009 Australia 20.5 2010 – 2014 United States 16.7 2010 – 2014 Israel 11.6 2000 – 2004 Finland 11.3 2005 – 2009 Greece (Turkey) 10.7 2010 – 2014 South Africa 7.7 2005 – 2009 Malaysia 5.6 2010 – 2014 Ghana 4.2 2010 – 2014 India 4 2005 – 2009 China 2.5 2010 – 2014 Egypt 1.1 2010 – 2014 Note: These data are based on the 4-item post-materialism index question (Y002) of World Values Survey (WVS). I use three different waves of data (2000–2004, 2005–2009, and 2010–2014). Greece did not have any data in World Values Survey, so its data have been estimated considering the results from Turkey, which is the most similar country in geographical and cultural terms that had data available.In my model, I consider “Western” societies as those that have more than 10% post-materialists, while “Eastern” societies have less than 10% post-materialists. As shown in Table 1 and mentioned earlier, Western countries (English speaking or European) tend to have higher percentages of post-materialists than Eastern societies (African, Asian and Middle Eastern).Thus, as Table 2 shows, the interviewees who were born in a Western society are ascribed to one group, while individuals born in an Eastern society are ascribed to another group. Although many overseas-born interviewees have lived in Australia for periods that range from 6 months to 10 years, they were ascribed to the “East” and “West” groups solely based on their country of birth. Even though these individuals may have had experiences of socialization in Australia, I assume that they have been primarily socialized in the values of their ethnic backgrounds and the countries where they were born, via their parents’ educational values or through direct experience, during the time that they lived in their countries of birth. According to my definition of authenticity, individuals’ values inform their understanding of authenticity, therefore, the values from their ethnic backgrounds can also influence their understanding of authenticity.In the first phase of the analysis, I used Grounded Theory (Charmaz), with categories directly emerging from the data, to analyse my interviewees’ stories. In the second stage, I reviewed these categories in combination with Turner’s categories of impulsive and institutional, applying them to classify the stories.Table 2: Distribution of participants between “East” and “West” West (n=11) East (n=9) Australia (n=5) China (n=2) United Kingdom (n=2) India (n=2) United States (n=1) South Korea (n=1) Greece (n=1) South Africa (n=1) Finland (n=1) Egypt (n=1) Israel (n=1) Ghana (n=1) Malaysia (n=1) ResultsAlthough I interviewed 20 participants, due to space-constraints, I illustrate my argument with only 4 interview extracts from 4 of the interviewees: 2 interviewees from Western backgrounds and 2 from Eastern backgrounds. However, these stories are representative of the trends found for the whole sample. I show how Easterners and Westerners construct their authentic selves in institutional and impulsive senses respectively through the two key characteristics that I presented in the introduction: locus of the self and management of emotions.In the first instance, Rachel (from Australia, 24 years old), a Western respondent, shows an impulsive locus of the self as “being.” Authenticity is discovered through self-acceptance of an uncomfortable emotion, like a “bad mood:”I think the times when I want to say, ‘oh, I wasn’t myself’, I usually was. My bad moods are more ‘me’. My bad moods are almost always the ‘real me’. [So you consider that your authentic self is something that is there, inside you, that you have to discover, or it is something outside yourself, that you can achieve?] I think it is something that you have to discover for yourself. I think it is different for everyone. [But would you say that it is something that is there already or it is something that you become?] No, I think it is something that is there already.On the other hand, Rani (from China, 24 years old), an Eastern respondent, interprets authenticity as “becoming;” authenticity does not pre-exist—as in the case of Rachel—but is something “external” to her idea of self. Rani becomes herself by convincing herself that she conforms to society’s ideals of physical beauty. Unlike the process of self-acceptance that Rachel described, Rani develops authentic selfhood by “lying” to herself or, as she says, “through some lies”:I have heard this sentence, like ‘you have to be yourself to others’, but I think it is really hard to do this. I think people still need some ‘acting’ things in their life. You need to act, not to say to act as another person, but sometimes like let’s say to be polite or make other people like you, you need acting. And sometimes if you are doing the ‘acting things’ a lot, you are going to believe this is true (she laughs). [Like others will believe that you are something that you are not?] I think at the beginning, maybe that’s not, but… because some people wake up every morning and say to the mirror, ‘you are very beautiful, you are the most beautiful girl in the world’, then, you will be happy and you will actually become beautiful. I think it is not like lie to yourself, but it is just being confident. Maybe at the beginning you are not going to believe that you are beautiful… like, what is this sentence? ‘Being true to yourself’, but actually doing this everyday, then that’s true, you will become, you will be confident. [So that means you can be yourself also through…] Through some lies. [So you don’t think that there is something inside you that you have to kind of discover?] No.Eastern and Western respondents also tend to interpret emotions differently. Westerners are more likely to interpret them in more impulsive terms than Easterners, who interpret them in a more institutional light. As we can see in the following extract, Sean, a Western respondent (born in Australia, but raised in England, 41 years old), feels inauthentic because he could not express his dislike of a co-worker he did not get along with:In a six months job I had before I came to Australia, I was an occupational therapist in a community. There was a girl in the administration department who was so rude. I wanted to say: ‘look darling you are so rude. It is really unpleasant talking to you. Can you just be nice? It would be just so much better and you will get more done and you will get more from me’. That’s what I should have said, but I didn’t say it. I didn’t, why? Maybe it is that sort of culture of not saying things or maybe it is me not being assertive enough. I don’t think I was being myself. Because my real self wanted to say: ‘look darling, you are not helping matters by being a complete bitch’. But I didn’t say that. I wasn’t assertive enough.In a similar type of incident, Ben, an Eastern respondent (from Ghana, 32 years old), describes an outburst he had with a co-worker who was annoying him. Unlike Sean, Ben expressed his anger to the co-worker, but he does not consider this to be a manifestation of his authentic self. For Ben, to act authentically one must control their emotions and try help others:I don’t know if that is myself or if that is not myself, but sometimes I get angry, I get upset, and I am the open type. I am the type that I can’t keep something in me, so sometimes when you make me annoyed, I just response. There is this time about this woman, in a class, that I was in Ghana. She was an older woman, a respected woman, she kept annoying me and there was one day that I couldn’t take it any longer, so I just burst up and I just… I don’t know what I said, I just… said a lot of bad things to her. The woman, she was shocked. I also felt shocked because I thought I could control myself, so that’s me… I don’t want to hide my feelings, I just want to come out with what I think when you make me annoyed, but those times, when I come out, I don’t like them, because I think it contradicts who I really am, someone who is supposed to help or care. I don’t like that aspect. You know somebody could be bossy, so he or she enjoys shouting everybody. I don’t enjoy that, but sometimes it is something that I cannot even control. Someone pushes me to the limit, and I just can’t keep that anger, and it comes out. I won’t say that is ‘me,’ I wouldn’t say that that is me. I don’t think that is a ‘true me’. [Why?] Because the true me would enjoy that experience the way I enjoy helping people instead.Unlike the two accounts from Rachel and Rani, these two last passages from Sean and Ben describe experiences of inauthenticity, where the authentic self cannot be expressed. What is important in these two passages is not their behaviour, but how they attribute their own emotions to their sense of authentic selfhood. Sean identifies his authentic self with the “impulsive” self who expresses his emotions, while Ben identifies his authentic self with the “institutional” self who is in control of his emotions. Sean feels inauthentic because he could not express his angry feelings to the co-worker, whereas Ben feels inauthentic because he could not control his outburst. Ben still hesitates about which side of himself can be attributed to his authentic self, for example, he says that he is “the open type” or that he does not want to “hide [his] feelings”, but he eventually identifies his authentic self with his institutional self.The choices that Sean and Ben make about the emotions that they attribute to their authentic selves could be motivated by their respective ethnic backgrounds. Like Rachel, Sean identifies his authentic self with a socially unacceptable emotion: anger. Consistent with his Western background, Sean’s sense of authenticity emphasizes the needs of the individual over the group and sees suppression of emotions as repressive. On the other hand, Ben reasons that since he does not enjoy being angry as much as he enjoys helping others, expressing anger is not a manifestation of authenticity. His authentic self is linked to his institutional self. Ben’s values are infused with altruism, which reflects the collective values that tend to be associated with his Eastern background. For him, suppression of emotions might not mean repression, but can foster authenticity instead.DiscussionBoth ways of interpreting authenticity, impulsive and institutional, look for self-consistency and the need to tell a coherent story to ourselves about who we are. The results section of this paper showed how Easterners and Westerners conceptualize authenticity. Easterners understand authenticity differently to Western discourses of the authentic. These alternative understandings offer viable solutions to the self-consistency problem. They present external, rather than internal, ways of conceiving the authentic self, and regulative, rather than expressive, approaches to emotions. As I mentioned earlier, Eastern societies are associated with collective and material values, while Western ones are related to individual and post-material values. These divisions in terms of values are reflected in individuals’ self-constructs. Individuals in Western societies tend to have a more independent idea of the self, whereas individuals in Eastern societies are more likely to have an interdependent one (Kitayama). An interdependent idea of the self values connectedness and conceptualizes the self in relation to others, so it can generate an institutional approach to authenticity, where the idea of the authentic self is not something that individuals search for inside themselves, but something that individuals become through their participation in social roles. This was evident in the example of Rani, whose idea of being authentic as “becoming” seemed to be an extension of her more interdependent self-construct and the need to fit in society.A regulative approach to emotions has also been associated with Easterners (Cheung and Park), on the basis of their collective values and interdependent self-constructs. For individuals from a Western background, with a more independent sense of self, as in the case of Sean, suppressing emotions tends to be seen negatively as being inauthentic, a form of repression. However, for individuals with interdependent self-constructs, this can be not only less harmful (feeling less inauthentic), but can even be beneficial because they tend to prioritize the needs of others (Le and Impett). This is evident in the example of Ben, for whom suppressing aanger does not make him feel inauthentic because he identifies his authentic self with the self that is in control of his emotions and helps others. This understanding of authenticity is aligned with the collective values of his ethnic background.In sum, ideas of authenticity seem to vary culturally according to the repertoires and values systems that inform them. Thus, even what we think might be our most intimate or individual experiences, like our experiences of authenticity and ideas of who we are, can also be socially constructed. This paper has tried to demonstrate the importance of sociology for the study of authenticity as a cultural phenomenon.ReferencesBinkley, Sam. Getting Loose: Lifestyle Consumption in the 1970s. Durham: Duke UP, 2007.Charmaz, Kathy. Constructing Grounded Theory. London: Sage, 2013.Cheung, Rebecca and Irene Park. “Anger Supression, Interdependent Self-Construal, and Depression among Asian American and European American College Students”. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology 16.4 (2010): 517–25.Chua, Amy, and Jed Rubenfeld. The Triple Package: How Three Unlikely Traits Explain the Rise and Fall of Cultural Groups in America. New York: The Penguin P, 2014.Erickson, Rebecca J. When Emotion Is the Product: Self, Society, and (In)Authenticity in a Postmodern World. Ph.D. Thesis, Washington: Whasington State U, 1991.Feldman, Simon. Against Authenticity: Why You Shouldn't Be Yourself. Kentucky: Lexington Books, 2014.Ferrara, Alessandro. Reflective Authenticity Rethinking the Project of Modernity. London: Routledge, 2002.Franzese, Alexis D. To Thine Own Self Be True? An Exploration of Authenticity. Ph.D. Thesis, Durham: Duke University, 2007.———. “Authenticity: Perspectives and Experiences.” Authenticity in Culture, Self, and Society. Eds. Phillip Vannini and J. Patrick Williams. Farnham: Ashgate, 2009. 87–101.Guignon, Charles B. On Being Authentic. London: Routledge, 2004.Hofstede, Geert, and Michael Minkov. Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind. USA: McGraw Hill, 2010.Inglehart, Ronald, and Christian Welzel. Modernization, Cultural Change and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence. New York: Cambridge UP, 2005.Kitayama, Shinobu, and Hazel R. Markus. “Culture and the Self: Implications for Cognition, Emotion, and Motivation.” Psychological Review 98.2 (1991): 224–53.Le, Bonnie M., and Emily A. Impett. “When Holding Back Helps: Supressing Negative Emotions during Sacrifice Feels Authentic and Is Beneficial for Highly Interdependent People”. Pscyhological Science 24.9 (2013): 1809–15.Lindholm, Charles. Culture and Authenticity. Malden: Blackwell, 2008.Maslow, Abraham H. Toward a Psychology of Being. Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1968.Menendez, Ramon. “The Culture of Authenticity: An Empirical Study of La Trobe University Students from Diverse Cultural Backgrounds.” Proceedings of The Australian Sociological Association (TASA) Conference, 25-28 November. Melbourne: Monash U, 2013.Potter, Andrew. The Authenticity Hoax How We Get Lost Finding Ourselves. Carlton North: Scribe, 2010.Solomon, Robert C. “Notes on Emotion, ‘East and West.’” Philosophy East and West 45.2 (1995): 171–202.Taylor, Charles. Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989.———. The Ethics of Authenticity. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1991.Trilling, Lionel. Sincerity and Authenticity. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1972.Turner, Ralph. “Is There a Quest for Identity?” The Sociological Quarterly 16.2 (1975): 148–61.———. “The Real Self: From Institution to Impulse.” The American Journal of Sociology 81.5 (1976): 989–1016.Vannini, Phillip. Authenticity and Power in the Academic Profession. Ph.D. Thesis, Whasington: Whashington State U, 2004.———. “Dead Poet’s Society: Teaching, Publish-or-Perish, and Professors’ Experiences of Authenticity.” Symbolic Interaction 29.2 (2006): 235–57.———, and J. Patrick Williams. Authenticity in Culture, Self, and Society. Farnham: Ashgate, 2009.WVS. World Values Survey. World Values Survey Association. 18 Feb. 2015 ‹http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs.jsp›.

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Abstract:

Introduction I am a transmigrant who has moved back and forth between the West and the Rest. I was born and raised in a Muslim family in a predominantly Muslim country, Bangladesh, but I spent several years of my childhood in Pakistan. After my marriage, I lived in the United States for a year and a half, the Middle East for 5 years, Australia for three years, back to the Middle East for another 5 years, then, finally, in Australia for the last 12 years. I speak Bengali (my mother tongue), Urdu (which I learnt in Pakistan), a bit of Arabic (learnt in the Middle East); but English has always been my medium of instruction. So where is home? Is it my place of origin, the Muslim umma, or my land of settlement? Or is it my ‘root’ or my ‘route’ (Blunt and Dowling)? Blunt and Dowling (199) observe that the lives of transmigrants are often interpreted in terms of their ‘roots’ and ‘routes’, which are two frameworks for thinking about home, homeland and diaspora. Whereas ‘roots’ might imply an original homeland from which people have scattered, and to which they might seek to return, ‘routes’ focuses on mobile, multiple and transcultural geographies of home. However, both ‘roots’ and ‘routes’ are attached to emotion and identity, and both invoke a sense of place, belonging or alienation that is intrinsically tied to a sense of self (Blunt and Dowling 196-219). In this paper, I equate home with my root (place of birth) and route (transnational homing) within the context of the ‘diaspora and belonging’. First I define the diaspora and possible criteria of belonging. Next I describe my transnational homing within the framework of diaspora and belonging. Finally, I consider how Australia can be a ‘home’ for me and other Muslim Australians. The Diaspora and Belonging Blunt and Dowling (199) define diaspora as “scattering of people over space and transnational connections between people and the places”. Cohen emphasised the ethno-cultural aspects of the diaspora setting; that is, how migrants identify and position themselves in other nations in terms of their (different) ethnic and cultural orientation. Hall argues that the diasporic subjects form a cultural identity through transformation and difference. Speaking of the Hindu diaspora in the UK and Caribbean, Vertovec (21-23) contends that the migrants’ contact with their original ‘home’ or diaspora depends on four factors: migration processes and factors of settlement, cultural composition, structural and political power, and community development. With regard to the first factor, migration processes and factors of settlement, Vertovec explains that if the migrants are political or economic refugees, or on a temporary visa, they are likely to live in a ‘myth of return’. In the cultural composition context, Vertovec argues that religion, language, region of origin, caste, and degree of cultural hom*ogenisation are factors in which migrants are bound to their homeland. Concerning the social structure and political power issue, Vertovec suggests that the extent and nature of racial and ethnic pluralism or social stigma, class composition, degree of institutionalised racism, involvement in party politics (or active citizenship) determine migrants’ connection to their new or old home. Finally, community development, including membership in organisations (political, union, religious, cultural, leisure), leadership qualities, and ethnic convergence or conflict (trends towards intra-communal or inter-ethnic/inter-religious co-operation) would also affect the migrants’ sense of belonging. Using these scholarly ideas as triggers, I will examine my home and belonging over the last few decades. My Home In an initial stage of my transmigrant history, my home was my root (place of birth, Dhaka, Bangladesh). Subsequently, my routes (settlement in different countries) reshaped my homes. In all respects, the ethno-cultural factors have played a big part in my definition of ‘home’. But on some occasions my ethnic identification has been overridden by my religious identification and vice versa. By ethnic identity, I mean my language (mother tongue) and my connection to my people (Bangladeshi). By my religious identity, I mean my Muslim religion, and my spiritual connection to the umma, a Muslim nation transcending all boundaries. Umma refers to the Muslim identity and unity within a larger Muslim group across national boundaries. The only thing the members of the umma have in common is their Islamic belief (Spencer and Wollman 169-170). In my childhood my father, a banker, was relocated to Karachi, Pakistan (then West Pakistan). Although I lived in Pakistan for much of my childhood, I have never considered it to be my home, even though it is predominantly a Muslim country. In this case, my home was my root (Bangladesh) where my grandparents and extended family lived. Every year I used to visit my grandparents who resided in a small town in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan). Thus my connection with my home was sustained through my extended family, ethnic traditions, language (Bengali/Bangla), and the occasional visits to the landscape of Bangladesh. Smith (9-11) notes that people build their connection or identity to their homeland through their historic land, common historical memories, myths, symbols and traditions. Though Pakistan and Bangladesh had common histories, their traditions of language, dress and ethnic culture were very different. For example, the celebration of the Bengali New Year (Pohela Baishakh), folk dance, folk music and folk tales, drama, poetry, lyrics of poets Rabindranath Tagore (Rabindra Sangeet) and Nazrul Islam (Nazrul Geeti) are distinct in the cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Special musical instruments such as the banshi (a bamboo flute), dhol (drums), ektara (a single-stringed instrument) and dotara (a four-stringed instrument) are unique to Bangladeshi culture. The Bangladeshi cuisine (rice and freshwater fish) is also different from Pakistan where people mainly eat flat round bread (roti) and meat (gosh). However, my bonding factor to Bangladesh was my relatives, particularly my grandparents as they made me feel one of ‘us’. Their affection for me was irreplaceable. The train journey from Dhaka (capital city) to their town, Noakhali, was captivating. The hustle and bustle at the train station and the lush green paddy fields along the train journey reminded me that this was my ‘home’. Though I spoke the official language (Urdu) in Pakistan and had a few Pakistani friends in Karachi, they could never replace my feelings for my friends, extended relatives and cousins who lived in Bangladesh. I could not relate to the landscape or dry weather of Pakistan. More importantly, some Pakistani women (our neighbours) were critical of my mother’s traditional dress (saree), and described it as revealing because it showed a bit of her back. They took pride in their traditional dress (shalwar, kameez, dopatta), which they considered to be more covered and ‘Islamic’. So, because of our traditional dress (saree) and perhaps other differences, we were regarded as the ‘Other’. In 1970 my father was relocated back to Dhaka, Bangladesh, and I was glad to go home. It should be noted that both Pakistan and Bangladesh were separated from India in 1947 – first as one nation; then, in 1971, Bangladesh became independent from Pakistan. The conflict between Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) and Pakistan (then West Pakistan) originated for economic and political reasons. At this time I was a high school student and witnessed acts of genocide committed by the Pakistani regime against the Bangladeshis (March-December 1971). My memories of these acts are vivid and still very painful. After my marriage, I moved from Bangladesh to the United States. In this instance, my new route (Austin, Texas, USA), as it happened, did not become my home. Here the ethno-cultural and Islamic cultural factors took precedence. I spoke the English language, made some American friends, and studied history at the University of Texas. I appreciated the warm friendship extended to me in the US, but experienced a degree of culture shock. I did not appreciate the pub life, alcohol consumption, and what I perceived to be the lack of family bonds (children moving out at the age of 18, families only meeting occasionally on birthdays and Christmas). Furthermore, I could not relate to de facto relationships and acceptance of sex before marriage. However, to me ‘home’ meant a family orientation and living in close contact with family. Besides the cultural divide, my husband and I were living in the US on student visas and, as Vertovec (21-23) noted, temporary visa status can deter people from their sense of belonging to the host country. In retrospect I can see that we lived in the ‘myth of return’. However, our next move for a better life was not to our root (Bangladesh), but another route to the Muslim world of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. My husband moved to Dhahran not because it was a Muslim world but because it gave him better economic opportunities. However, I thought this new destination would become my home – the home that was coined by Anderson as the imagined nation, or my Muslim umma. Anderson argues that the imagined communities are “to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined” (6; Wood 61). Hall (122) asserts: identity is actually formed through unconscious processes over time, rather than being innate in consciousness at birth. There is always something ‘imaginary’ or fantasized about its unity. It always remains incomplete, is always ‘in process’, always ‘being formed’. As discussed above, when I had returned home to Bangladesh from Pakistan – both Muslim countries – my primary connection to my home country was my ethnic identity, language and traditions. My ethnic identity overshadowed the religious identity. But when I moved to Saudi Arabia, where my ethnic identity differed from that of the mainstream Arabs and Bedouin/nomadic Arabs, my connection to this new land was through my Islamic cultural and religious identity. Admittedly, this connection to the umma was more psychological than physical, but I was now in close proximity to Mecca, and to my home of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Mecca is an important city in Saudi Arabia for Muslims because it is the holy city of Islam, the home to the Ka’aba (the religious centre of Islam), and the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad [Peace Be Upon Him]. It is also the destination of the Hajj, one of the five pillars of Islamic faith. Therefore, Mecca is home to significant events in Islamic history, as well as being an important present day centre for the Islamic faith. We lived in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia for 5 years. Though it was a 2.5 hours flight away, I treasured Mecca’s proximity and regarded Dhahran as my second and spiritual home. Saudi Arabia had a restricted lifestyle for women, but I liked it because it was a Muslim country that gave me the opportunity to perform umrah Hajj (pilgrimage). However, Saudi Arabia did not allow citizenship to expatriates. Saudi Arabia’s government was keen to protect the status quo and did not want to compromise its cultural values or standard of living by allowing foreigners to become a permanent part of society. In exceptional circ*mstances only, the King granted citizenship to a foreigner for outstanding service to the state over a number of years. Children of foreigners born in Saudi Arabia did not have rights of local citizenship; they automatically assumed the nationality of their parents. If it was available, Saudi citizenship would assure expatriates a secure and permanent living in Saudi Arabia; as it was, there was a fear among the non-Saudis that they would have to leave the country once their job contract expired. Under the circ*mstances, though my spiritual connection to Mecca was strong, my husband was convinced that Saudi Arabia did not provide any job security. So, in 1987 when Australia offered migration to highly skilled people, my husband decided to migrate to Australia for a better and more secure economic life. I agreed to his decision, but quite reluctantly because we were again moving to a non-Muslim part of the world, which would be culturally different and far away from my original homeland (Bangladesh). In Australia, we lived first in Brisbane, then Adelaide, and after three years we took our Australian citizenship. At that stage I loved the Barossa Valley and Victor Harbour in South Australia, and the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast in Queensland, but did not feel at home in Australia. We bought a house in Adelaide and I was a full time home-maker but was always apprehensive that my children (two boys) would lose their culture in this non-Muslim world. In 1990 we once again moved back to the Muslim world, this time to Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. My connection to this route was again spiritual. I valued the fact that we would live in a Muslim country and our children would be brought up in a Muslim environment. But my husband’s move was purely financial as he got a lucrative job offer in Muscat. We had another son in Oman. We enjoyed the luxurious lifestyle provided by my husband’s workplace and the service provided by the housemaid. I loved the beaches and freedom to drive my car, and I appreciated the friendly Omani people. I also enjoyed our frequent trips (4 hours flight) to my root, Dhaka, Bangladesh. So our children were raised within our ethnic and Islamic culture, remained close to my root (family in Dhaka), though they attended a British school in Muscat. But by the time I started considering Oman to be my second home, we had to leave once again for a place that could provide us with a more secure future. Oman was like Saudi Arabia; it employed expatriates only on a contract basis, and did not give them citizenship (not even fellow Muslims). So after 5 years it was time to move back to Australia. It was with great reluctance that I moved with my husband to Brisbane in 1995 because once again we were to face a different cultural context. As mentioned earlier, we lived in Brisbane in the late 1980s; I liked the weather, the landscape, but did not consider it home for cultural reasons. Our boys started attending expensive private schools and we bought a house in a prestigious Western suburb in Brisbane. Soon after arriving I started my tertiary education at the University of Queensland, and finished an MA in Historical Studies in Indian History in 1998. Still Australia was not my home. I kept thinking that we would return to my previous routes or the ‘imagined’ homeland somewhere in the Middle East, in close proximity to my root (Bangladesh), where we could remain economically secure in a Muslim country. But gradually I began to feel that Australia was becoming my ‘home’. I had gradually become involved in professional and community activities (with university colleagues, the Bangladeshi community and Muslim women’s organisations), and in retrospect I could see that this was an early stage of my ‘self-actualisation’ (Maslow). Through my involvement with diverse people, I felt emotionally connected with the concerns, hopes and dreams of my Muslim-Australian friends. Subsequently, I also felt connected with my mainstream Australian friends whose emotions and fears (9/11 incident, Bali bombing and 7/7 tragedy) were similar to mine. In late 1998 I started my PhD studies on the immigration history of Australia, with a particular focus on the historical settlement of Muslims in Australia. This entailed retrieving archival files and interviewing people, mostly Muslims and some mainstream Australians, and enquiring into relevant migration issues. I also became more active in community issues, and was not constrained by my circ*mstances. By circ*mstances, I mean that even though I belonged to a patriarchally structured Muslim family, where my husband was the main breadwinner, main decision-maker, my independence and research activities (entailing frequent interstate trips for data collection, and public speaking) were not frowned upon or forbidden (Khan 14-15); fortunately, my husband appreciated my passion for research and gave me his trust and support. This, along with the Muslim community’s support (interviews), and the wider community’s recognition (for example, the publication of my letters in Australian newspapers, interviews on radio and television) enabled me to develop my self-esteem and built up my bicultural identity as a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country and as a Bangladeshi-Australian. In 2005, for the sake of a better job opportunity, my husband moved to the UK, but this time I asserted that I would not move again. I felt that here in Australia (now in Perth) I had a job, an identity and a home. This time my husband was able to secure a good job back in Australia and was only away for a year. I no longer dream of finding a home in the Middle East. Through my bicultural identity here in Australia I feel connected to the wider community and to the Muslim umma. However, my attachment to the umma has become ambivalent. I feel proud of my Australian-Muslim identity but I am concerned about the jihadi ideology of militant Muslims. By jihadi ideology, I mean the extremist ideology of the al-Qaeda terrorist group (Farrar 2007). The Muslim umma now incorporates both moderate and radical Muslims. The radical Muslims (though only a tiny minority of 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide) pose a threat to their moderate counterparts as well as to non-Muslims. In the UK, some second- and third-generation Muslims identify themselves with the umma rather than their parents’ homelands or their country of birth (Husain). It should not be a matter of concern if these young Muslims adopt a ‘pure’ Muslim identity, providing at the same time they are loyal to their country of residence. But when they resort to terrorism with their ‘pure’ Muslim identity (e.g., the 7/7 London bombers) they defame my religion Islam, and undermine my spiritual connection to the umma. As a 1st generation immigrant, the defining criteria of my ‘homeliness’ in Australia are my ethno-cultural and religious identity (which includes my family), my active citizenship, and my community development/contribution through my research work – all of which allow me a sense of efficacy in my life. My ethnic and religious identities generally co-exist equally, but when I see some Muslims kill my fellow Australians (such as the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005) my Australian identity takes precedence. I feel for the victims and condemn the perpetrators. On the other hand, when I see politics play a role over the human rights issues (e.g., the Tampa incident), my religious identity begs me to comment on it (see Kabir, Muslims in Australia 295-305). Problematising ‘Home’ for Muslim Australians In the European context, Grillo (863) and Werbner (904), and in the Australian context, Kabir (Muslims in Australia) and Poynting and Mason, have identified the diversity within Islam (national, ethnic, religious etc). Werbner (904) notes that in spite of the “wishful talk of the emergence of a ‘British Islam’, even today there are Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Arab mosques, as well as Turkish and Shia’a mosques”; thus British Muslims retain their separate identities. Similarly, in Australia, the existence of separate mosques for the Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Arab and Shia’a peoples indicates that Australian Muslims have also kept their ethnic identities discrete (Saeed 64-77). However, in times of crisis, such as the Salman Rushdie affair in 1989, and the 1990-1991 Gulf crises, both British and Australian Muslims were quick to unite and express their Islamic identity by way of resistance (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 160-162; Poynting and Mason 68-70). In both British and Australian contexts, I argue that a peaceful rally or resistance is indicative of active citizenship of Muslims as it reveals their sense of belonging (also Werbner 905). So when a transmigrant Muslim wants to make a peaceful demonstration, the Western world should be encouraged, not threatened – as long as the transmigrant’s allegiances lie also with the host country. In the European context, Grillo (868) writes: when I asked Mehmet if he was planning to stay in Germany he answered without hesitation: ‘Yes, of course’. And then, after a little break, he added ‘as long as we can live here as Muslims’. In this context, I support Mehmet’s desire to live as a Muslim in a non-Muslim world as long as this is peaceful. Paradoxically, living a Muslim life through ijtihad can be either socially progressive or destructive. The Canadian Muslim feminist Irshad Manji relies on ijtihad, but so does Osama bin Laden! Manji emphasises that ijtihad can be, on the one hand, the adaptation of Islam using independent reasoning, hybridity and the contesting of ‘traditional’ family values (c.f. Doogue and Kirkwood 275-276, 314); and, on the other, ijtihad can take the form of conservative, patriarchal and militant Islamic values. The al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden espouses the jihadi ideology of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), an Egyptian who early in his career might have been described as a Muslim modernist who believed that Islam and Western secular ideals could be reconciled. But he discarded that idea after going to the US in 1948-50; there he was treated as ‘different’ and that treatment turned him against the West. He came back to Egypt and embraced a much more rigid and militaristic form of Islam (Esposito 136). Other scholars, such as Cesari, have identified a third orientation – a ‘secularised Islam’, which stresses general beliefs in the values of Islam and an Islamic identity, without too much concern for practices. Grillo (871) observed Islam in the West emphasised diversity. He stressed that, “some [Muslims were] more quietest, some more secular, some more clamorous, some more negotiatory”, while some were exclusively characterised by Islamic identity, such as wearing the burqa (elaborate veils), hijabs (headscarves), beards by men and total abstinence from drinking alcohol. So Mehmet, cited above, could be living a Muslim life within the spectrum of these possibilities, ranging from an integrating mode to a strict, militant Muslim manner. In the UK context, Zubaida (96) contends that marginalised, culturally-impoverished youth are the people for whom radical, militant Islamism may have an appeal, though it must be noted that the 7/7 bombers belonged to affluent families (O’Sullivan 14; Husain). In Australia, Muslim Australians are facing three challenges. First, the Muslim unemployment rate: it was three times higher than the national total in 1996 and 2001 (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 266-278; Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 63). Second, some spiritual leaders have used extreme rhetoric to appeal to marginalised youth; in January 2007, the Australian-born imam of Lebanese background, Sheikh Feiz Mohammad, was alleged to have employed a DVD format to urge children to kill the enemies of Islam and to have praised martyrs with a violent interpretation of jihad (Chulov 2). Third, the proposed citizenship test has the potential to make new migrants’ – particularly Muslims’ – settlement in Australia stressful (Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79); in May 2007, fuelled by perceptions that some migrants – especially Muslims – were not integrating quickly enough, the Howard government introduced a citizenship test bill that proposes to test applicants on their English language skills and knowledge of Australian history and ‘values’. I contend that being able to demonstrate knowledge of history and having English language skills is no guarantee that a migrant will be a good citizen. Through my transmigrant history, I have learnt that developing a bond with a new place takes time, acceptance and a gradual change of identity, which are less likely to happen when facing assimilationist constraints. I spoke English and studied history in the United States, but I did not consider it my home. I did not speak the Arabic language, and did not study Middle Eastern history while I was in the Middle East, but I felt connected to it for cultural and religious reasons. Through my knowledge of history and English language proficiency I did not make Australia my home when I first migrated to Australia. Australia became my home when I started interacting with other Australians, which was made possible by having the time at my disposal and by fortunate circ*mstances, which included a fairly high level of efficacy and affluence. If I had been rejected because of my lack of knowledge of ‘Australian values’, or had encountered discrimination in the job market, I would have been much less willing to embrace my host country and call it home. I believe a stringent citizenship test is more likely to alienate would-be citizens than to induce their adoption of values and loyalty to their new home. Conclusion Blunt (5) observes that current studies of home often investigate mobile geographies of dwelling and how it shapes one’s identity and belonging. Such geographies of home negotiate from the domestic to the global context, thus mobilising the home beyond a fixed, bounded and confining location. Similarly, in this paper I have discussed how my mobile geography, from the domestic (root) to global (route), has shaped my identity. Though I received a degree of culture shock in the United States, loved the Middle East, and was at first quite resistant to the idea of making Australia my second home, the confidence I acquired in residing in these ‘several homes’ were cumulative and eventually enabled me to regard Australia as my ‘home’. I loved the Middle East, but I did not pursue an active involvement with the Arab community because I was a busy mother. Also I lacked the communication skill (fluency in Arabic) with the local residents who lived outside the expatriates’ campus. I am no longer a cultural freak. I am no longer the same Bangladeshi woman who saw her ethnic and Islamic culture as superior to all other cultures. I have learnt to appreciate Australian values, such as tolerance, ‘a fair go’ and multiculturalism (see Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79). My bicultural identity is my strength. With my ethnic and religious identity, I can relate to the concerns of the Muslim community and other Australian ethnic and religious minorities. And with my Australian identity I have developed ‘a voice’ to pursue active citizenship. Thus my biculturalism has enabled me to retain and merge my former home with my present and permanent home of Australia. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, New York: Verso, 1983. Australian Bureau of Statistics: Census of Housing and Population, 1996 and 2001. Blunt, Alison. Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial Politics of Home. Oxford: Blackwell, 2005. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. Cesari, Jocelyne. “Muslim Minorities in Europe: The Silent Revolution.” In John L. Esposito and Burgat, eds., Modernising Islam: Religion in the Public Sphere in Europe and the Middle East. London: Hurst, 2003. 251-269. Chulov, Martin. “Treatment Has Sheik Wary of Returning Home.” Weekend Australian 6-7 Jan. 2007: 2. Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. Seattle: University of Washington, 1997. Doogue, Geraldine, and Peter Kirkwood. Tomorrow’s Islam: Uniting Old-Age Beliefs and a Modern World. Sydney: ABC Books, 2005. Esposito, John. The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? 3rd ed. New York, Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999. Farrar, Max. “When the Bombs Go Off: Rethinking and Managing Diversity Strategies in Leeds, UK.” International Journal of Diversity in Organisations, Communities and Nations 6.5 (2007): 63-68. Grillo, Ralph. “Islam and Transnationalism.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (Sep. 2004): 861-878. Hall, Stuart. Polity Reader in Cultural Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994. Huntington, Samuel, P. The Clash of Civilisation and the Remaking of World Order. London: Touchstone, 1998. Husain, Ed. The Islamist: Why I Joined Radical Islam in Britain, What I Saw inside and Why I Left. London: Penguin, 2007. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. ———. “What Does It Mean to Be Un-Australian: Views of Australian Muslim Students in 2006.” People and Place 15.1 (2007): 62-79. Khan, Shahnaz. Aversion and Desire: Negotiating Muslim Female Identity in the Diaspora. Toronto: Women’s Press, 2002. Manji, Irshad. The Trouble with Islam Today. Canada:Vintage, 2005. Maslow, Abraham. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper, 1954. O’Sullivan, J. “The Real British Disease.” Quadrant (Jan.-Feb. 2006): 14-20. Poynting, Scott, and Victoria Mason. “The Resistible Rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001.” Journal of Sociology 43.1 (2007): 61-86. Saeed, Abdallah. Islam in Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2003. Smith, Anthony D. National Identity. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991. Spencer, Philip, and Howard Wollman. Nationalism: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage, 2002. Vertovec, Stevens. The Hindu Diaspora: Comparative Patterns. London: Routledge. 2000. Werbner, Pnina, “Theorising Complex Diasporas: Purity and Hybridity in the South Asian Public Sphere in Britain.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (2004): 895-911. Wood, Dennis. “The Diaspora, Community and the Vagrant Space.” In Cynthia Vanden Driesen and Ralph Crane, eds., Diaspora: The Australasian Experience. New Delhi: Prestige, 2005. 59-64. Zubaida, Sami. “Islam in Europe: Unity or Diversity.” Critical Quarterly 45.1-2 (2003): 88-98. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Aug. 2007) "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>.

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Abstract:

The ideas put forth here do not fit perfectly or entirely into the genre and form of what has established itself as the scholarly journal article. What is put forth, instead, is a juxtaposition of lines of thinking about the scholarly and popular in publishing, past, present and future. As such it may indeed be quite appropriate to the occasion and the questions raised in the call for papers for this special issue of M/C Journal. The ideas put forth here are intended as pieces of an ever-changing puzzle of the making public of scholarship, which, I hope, may in some way fit with both the work of others in this special issue and in the discourse more broadly. The first line of thinking presented takes the form of an historical overview of publishing as context to consider a second line of thinking about the current status and future of publishing. The historical context serves as reminder (and cause for celebration) that publishing has not yet perished, contrary to continued doomsday sooth-saying that has come with each new medium since the advent of print. Instead, publishing has continued to transform and it is precisely the transformation of print, print culture and reading publics that are the focus of this article, in particular, in relation to the question of the boundaries between the scholarly and the popular. What follows is a juxtaposition that is part of an investigation in progress. Presented first, therefore, is a mapping of shifts in print culture from the time of Gutenberg to the twentieth century; second, is a contemporary snapshot of the editorial mandates of more than one hundred member journals of the Canadian Association of Learned Journals (CALJ). What such juxtaposition is able to reveal is open to interpretation, of course. And indeed, as I proceed in my investigation of publishing past, present and future, my interpretations are many. The juxtaposition raises a number of issues: of communities of readers and the cultures of reading publics; of privileged and marginalised texts (as well as their authors and their readers); of access and reach (whether in terms of what is quantifiable or in a much more subtle but equally important sense). In Canada, at present, these issues are also intertwined with changes to research funding policies and some attention is given at the end of this article to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada and its recent/current shift in funding policy. Curiously, current shifts in funding policies, considered alongside an historical overview of publishing, would suggest that although publishing continues to transform, at the same time, as they say, plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose. Republics of Letters and Ghosts in Machines Republics of Letters that formed after the advent of the printing press can be conjured up as distant and almost mythical communities of elite literates, ghosts almost lost in a Gutenberg galaxy that today encompasses (and is embodied in) schools, bookshelves, and digital archives in many places across the globe. Conjuring up ghosts of histories past seems always to reveal ironies, and indeed some of the most interesting ironies of the Gutenberg galaxy involve McLuhanesque reversals or, if not full reversals, then in the least some notably sharp turns. There is a need to define some boundaries (and terms) in the framing of the tracing that follows. Given that the time frame in question spans more than five hundred years (from the advent of Gutenberg’s printing press in the fifteenth century to the turn of the 21st century), the tracing must necessarily be done in broad strokes. With regard to what is meant by the “making public of scholarship” in this paper, by “making public” I refer to accounts historians have given in their attempts to reconstruct a history of what was published either in the periodical press or in books. With regard to scholarship (and the making public of it), as with many things in the history of publishing (or any history), this means different things in different times and in different places. The changing meanings of what can be termed “scholarship” and where and how it historically has been made public are the cornerstones on which this article (and a history of the making public of scholarship) turn. The structure of this paper is loosely chronological and is limited to the print cultures and reading publics in France, Britain, and what would eventually be called the US and Canada, and what follows here is an overview of changes in how scholarly and popular texts and publics are variously defined over the course of history. The Construction of Reading Publics and Print Culture In any consideration of “print culture” and reading publics, historical or contemporary, there are two guiding principles that historians suggest should be kept in mind, and, though these may seem self-evident, they are worth stating explicitly (perhaps precisely because they seem self-evident). The first is a reminder from Adrian Johns that “the very identity of print itself has had to be made” (2 italics in original). Just as the identity of print cultures are made, similarly, a history of reading publics and their identities are made, by looking to and interpreting such variables as numbers and genres of titles published and circulated, dates and locations of collections, and information on readers’ experiences of texts. Elizabeth Eisenstein offers a reminder of the “widely varying circ*mstances” (92) of the print revolution and an explicit acknowledgement of such circ*mstances provides the second, seemingly self-evident guiding principle: that the construction of reading publics and print culture must not only be understood as constructed, but also that such constructions ought not be understood as uniform. The purpose of the reconstructions of print cultures and reading publics presented here, therefore, is not to arrive at final conclusions, but rather to identify patterns that prove useful in better understanding the current status (and possible future) of publishing. The Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries—Boom, then Busted by State and Church In search of what could be termed “scholarship” following the mid-fifteenth century boom of the early days of print, given the ecclesiastical and state censorship in Britain and France and the popularity of religious texts of the 15th and 16th centuries, arguably the closest to “scholarship” that we can come is through the influence of the Italian Renaissance and the revival and translation (into Latin, and to a far lesser extent, vernacular languages) of the classics and indeed the influence of the Italian Renaissance on the “print revolution” is widely recognised by historians. Historians also recognise, however, that it was not long until “the supply of unpublished texts dried up…[yet for authors] to sell the fruits of their intellect—was not yet common practice before the late 16th century” (Febvre and Martin 160). Although this reference is to the book trade in France, in Britain, and in the regions to become the US and Canada, reading of “pious texts” was similarly predominant in the early days of print. Yet, the humanist shift throughout the 16th century is evidenced by titles produced in Paris in the first century of print: in 1501, in a total of 88 works, 53 can be categorised as religious, with 25 categorised as Latin, Greek, or Humanist authors; as compared to titles produced in 1549, in a total of 332 titles, 56 can be categorised as religious with 204 categorised as Latin, Greek, or Humanist authors (Febvre and Martin 264). The Seventeenth Century—Changes in the Political and Print Landscape In the 17th century, printers discovered that their chances of profitability (and survival) could be improved by targeting and developing a popular readership through the periodical press (its very periodicity and relative low cost both contributed to its accessibility by popular publics) in Europe as well as in North America. It is worthwhile to note, however, that “to the end of the seventeenth century, both literacy and leisure were virtually confined to scholars and ‘gentlemen’” (Steinberg 119) particularly where books were concerned and although literacy rates were still low, through the “exceptionally literate villager” there formed “hearing publics” who would have printed texts read to them (Eisenstein 93). For the literate members of the public interested not only in improving their social positions through learning, but also with intellectual (or spiritual or existential) curiosity piqued by forbidden books, it is not surprising that Descartes “wrote in French to a ‘lay audience … open to new ideas’” (Jacob 41). The 17th century also saw the publication of the first scholarly journals. There is a tension that becomes evident in the seventeenth century that can be seen as a tension characteristic of print culture, past and present: on the one hand, the housing of scholarship in scholarly journals as a genre distinct from the genre of the popular periodicals can be interpreted as a continued pattern of (elitist) divide in publics (as seen earlier between the oral and the written word, between Latin and the vernacular, between classic texts and popular texts); while, on the other hand, some thinkers/scholars of the day had an interest in reaching a wider audience, as printers always had, which led to the construction and fragmentation of audiences (whether the printer’s market for his goods or the scholar’s marketplace of ideas). The Eighteenth Century—Republics of Letters Become Concrete and Visible The 18th century saw ever-increasing literacy rates, early copyright legislation (Statute of Anne in 1709), improved printing technology, and ironically (or perhaps on the contrary, quite predictably) severe censorship that in effect led to an increased demand for forbidden books and a vibrant and international underground book trade (Darnton and Roche 138). Alongside a growing book trade, “the pulpit was ultimately displaced by the periodical press” (Eisenstein 94), which had become an “established institution” (Steinberg 125). One history of the periodical press in France finds that the number of periodicals (to remain in publication for three or more years) available to the reading public in 1745 numbered 15, whereas in 1785 this increased to 82 (Censer 7). With regard to scholarly periodicals, another study shows that between 1790 and 1800 there were 640 scientific-technological periodicals being published in Europe (Kronick 1961). Across the Atlantic, earlier difficulties in cultivating intellectual life—such as haphazard transatlantic exchange and limited institutions for learning—began to give way to a “republic of letters” that was “visible and concrete” (Hall 417). The Nineteenth Century—A Second Boom and the Rise of the Periodical Press By the turn of the 19th century, visible and concrete republics of letters become evident on both sides of the Atlantic in the boom in book publishing and in the periodical press, scholarly and popular. State and church controls on printing/publishing had given way to the press as the “fourth estate” or a free press as powerful force. The legislation of public education brought increased literacy rates among members of successive generations. One study of literacy rates in Britain, for example, shows that in the period from 1840–1870 literacy rates increased by 35–70 per cent; then from 1870–1900, literacy increased by 78–261 per cent (Mitch 76). Further, with the growth and changes in universities, “history, languages and literature and, above all, the sciences, became an established part of higher education for the first time,” which translated into growing markets for book publishers (Feather 117). Similarly the periodical press reached ever-increasing and numerous reading publics: one estimate of the increase finds the publication of nine hundred journals in 1800 jumping to almost sixty thousand in 1901 (Brodman, cited in Kronick 127). Further, the important role of the periodical press in developing communities of readers was recognised by publishers, editors and authors of the time, something equally recognised by present-day historians describing the “generic mélange of the periodical … [that] particularly lent itself to the interpenetration of language and ideas…[and] the verbal and conceptual interconnectedness of science, politics, theology, and literature” (Dawson, Noakes and Topham 30). Scientists recognised popular periodicals as “important platforms for addressing a non-specialist but culturally powerful public … [they were seen as public] performances [that] fulfilled important functions in making the claims of science heard among the ruling élite” (Dawson et al. 11). By contrast, however, the scholarly journals of the time, while also increasing in number, were becoming increasingly specialised along the same disciplinary boundaries being established in the universities, fulfilling a very different function of forming scholarly and discipline-specific discourse communities through public (published) performances of a very different nature. The Twentieth Century—The Tension Between Niche Publics and Mass Publics The long-existing tension in print culture between the differentiation of reading publics on the one hand, and the reach to ever-expanding reading publics on the other, in the twentieth century becomes a tension between what have been termed “niche-marketing” and “mass marketing,” between niche publics and mass publics. What this meant for the making public of scholarship was that the divides between discipline-specific discourse communities (and their corresponding genres) became more firmly established and yet, within each discipline, there was further fragmentation and specialisation. The niche-mass tension also meant that although in earlier print culture, “the lines of demarcation between men of science, men of letters, and scientific popularizers were far from clear, and were constantly being renegotiated” (Dawson et al 28), with the increasing professionalisation of academic work (and careers), lines of demarcation became firmly drawn between scholarly and popular titles and authors, as well as readers, who were described as “men of science,” as “educated men,” or as “casual observers” (Klancher 90). The question remains, however, as one historian of science asks, “To whom did the reading public go in order to learn about the ultimate meaning of modern science, the professionals or the popularizers?” (Lightman 191). By whom and for whom, where and how scholarship has historically been made public, are questions worthy of consideration if contemporary scholars are to better understand the current status (and possible future) for the making public of scholarship. A Snapshot of Scholarly Journals in Canada and Current Changes in Funding Policies The here and now of scholarly journal publishing in Canada (a growing, but relatively modest scholarly journal community, compared to the number of scholarly journals published in Europe and the US) serves as an interesting microcosm through which to consider how scholarly journal publishing has evolved since the early days of print. What follows here is an overview of the membership of the Canadian Association of Learned Journals (CALJ), in particular: (1) their target readers as identifiable from their editorial mandates; (2) their print/online/open-access policies; and (3) their publishers (all information gathered from the CALJ website, http://www.calj-acrs.ca/). Analysis of the collected data for the 100 member journals of CALJ (English, French and bilingual journals) with available information on the CALJ website is presented in Table 1 (below). A few observations are noteworthy: (1) in terms of readers, although all 100 journals identify a scholarly audience as their target readership, more than 40% of the journal also identify practitioners, policy-makers, or general readers as members of their target audience; (2) more than 25% of the journals publish online as well as or instead of print editions; and (3) almost all journals are published either by a Canadian university or, in one case, a college (60%) or a scholarly or professional society (31%). Table 1: Target Readership, Publishing Model and Publishers, CALJ Members (N=100) Journals with identifiable scholarly target readership 100 Journals with other identifiable target readership: practitioner 35 Journals with other identifiable target readership: general readers 18 Journals with other identifiable target readership: policy-makers/government 10 Total journals with identifiable target readership other than scholarly 43 Journals publishing in print only 56 Journals publishing in print and online 24 Journals publishing in print, online and open access 16 Journals publishing online only and open access 4 Journals published through a Canadian university press, faculty or department 60 Journals published by a scholarly or professional society 31 Journals published by a research institute 5 Journals published by the private sector 4 In the context of the historical overview presented earlier, this data raises a number of questions. The number of journals with target audiences either within or beyond the academy raises issues akin to the situation in the early days of print, when published works were primarily in Latin, with only 22 per cent in vernacular languages (Febvre and Martin 256), thereby strongly limiting access and reach to diverse audiences until the 17th century when Latin declined as the international language (Febvre and Martin 275) and there is a parallel to scholarly journal publishing and their changing readership(s). Diversity in audiences gradually developed in the early days of print, as Febvre and Martin (263) show by comparing the number of churchmen and lawyers with library collections in Paris: from 1480–1500 one lawyer and 24 churchmen had library collections, compared to 1551–1600, when 71 lawyers and 21 churchmen had library collections. Although the distinctions between present-day target audiences of Canadian scholarly journals (shown in Table 1, above) and 16th-century churchmen or lawyers no doubt are considerable, again there is a parallel with regard to changes in reading audiences. Similarly, the 18th-century increase in literacy rates, education, and technological advances finds a parallel in contemporary questions of computer literacy and access to scholarship (see Willinsky, “How,” Access, “Altering,” and If Only). Print culture historians and historians of science, as noted above, recognise that historically, while scholarly periodicals have increasingly specialised and popular periodicals have served as “important platforms for addressing a non-specialist but culturally powerful public…[and] fulfill[ing] important functions in making the claims of science heard among the ruling élite” (Dawson 11), there is adrift in current policies changes (and in the CALJ data above) a blurring of boundaries that harkens back to earlier days of print culture. As Adrian John reminded us earlier, “the very identity of print itself has had to be made” (2, italics in original) and the same applies to identities or cultures of print and the members of that culture: namely, the readers, the audience. The identities of the readers of scholarship are being made and re-made, as editorial mandates extend the scope of journals beyond strict, academic disciplinary boundaries and as increasing numbers of journals publish online (and open access). In Canada, changes in scholarly journal funding by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada (as well as changes in SSHRC funding for research more generally) place increasing focus on impact factors (an international trend) as well as increased attention on the public benefits and value of social sciences and humanities research and scholarship (see SSHRC 2004, 2005, 2006). There is much debate in the scholarly community in Canada about the implications and possibilities of the direction of the changing funding policies, not least among members of the scholarly journal community. As noted in the table above, most scholarly journal publishers in Canada are independently published, which brings advantages of autonomy but also the disadvantage of very limited budgets and there is a great deal of concern about the future of the journals, about their survival amidst the current changes. Although the future is uncertain, it is perhaps worthwhile to be reminded once again that contrary to doomsday sooth-saying that has come time and time again, publishing has not perished, but rather it has continued to transform. I am inclined against making normative statements about what the future of publishing should be, but, looking at the accounts historians have given of the past and looking at the current publishing community I have come to know in my work in publishing, I am confident that the resourcefulness and commitment of the publishing community shall prevail and, indeed, there appears to be a good deal of promise in the transformation of scholarly journals in the ways they reach their audiences and in what reaches those audiences. Perhaps, as is suggested by the Canadian Centre for Studies in Publishing (CCSP), the future is one of “inventing publishing.” References Canadian Association of Learned Journals. Member Database. 10 June 2008 ‹http://www.calj-acrs.ca/>. Canadian Centre for Studies in Publishing. 10 June 2008. ‹http://www.ccsp.sfu.ca/>. Censer, Jack. The French Press in the Age of Enlightenment. London: Routledge, 1994. Darnton, Robert, Estienne Roche. Revolution in Print: The Press in France, 1775–1800. Berkeley: U of California P, 1989. Dawson, Gowan, Richard Noakes, and Jonathan Topham. Introduction. Science in the Nineteenth-century Periodical: Reading the Magazine of Nature. Ed. Geoffrey Cantor, Gowan Dawson, Richard Noakes, and Jonathan Topham. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2004. 1–37. Eisenstein, Elizabeth. The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983 Feather, John. A History of British Publishing. New York: Routledge, 2006. Febvre, Lucien, and Henri-Jean Martin. The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing 1450–1800. London: N.L.B., 1979. Jacob, Margaret. Scientific Culture and the Making of the Industrial West. New York: Oxford UP, 1997. Johns, Adrian. The Nature of the Book: Print and Knowledge in the Making. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1998. Hall, David, and Hugh Armory. The Colonial Book in the Atlantic World. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000. Klancher, Jon. The Making of English Reading Audiences. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1987. Kronick, David. A History of Scientific and Technical Periodicals: The Origins and Development of the Scientific and Technological Press, 1665–1790. New York: Scarecrow Press, 1961. ---. "Devant le deluge" and Other Essays on Early Modern Scientific Communication. Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2004. Lightman, Bernard. Victorian Science in Context. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1997. Mitch, David. The Rise of Popular Literacy in Victorian England: The Influence of Private choice and Public Policy. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1991. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Granting Council to Knowledge Council: Renewing the Social Sciences and Humanities in Canada, Volume 1, 2004. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Granting Council to Knowledge Council: Renewing the Social Sciences and Humanities in Canada, Volume 3, 2005. Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. Moving Forward As a Knowledge Council: Canada’s Place in a Competitive World. 2006. Steinberg, Sigfrid. Five Hundred Years of Printing. London: Oak Knoll Press, 1996. Willinsky, John. “How to be More of a Public Intellectual by Making your Intellectual Work More Public.” Journal of Curriculum and Pedagogy 3.1 (2006): 92–95. ---. The Access Principle: The Case for Open Access to Research and Scholarship. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006. ---. “Altering the Material Conditions of Access to the Humanities.” Ed. Peter Trifonas and Michael Peters. Deconstructing Derrida: Tasks for the New Humanities. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. 118–36. ---. If Only We Knew: Increasing the Public Value of Social-Science Research. New York: Routledge, 2000.

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Special Care Notice This article contains images of deceased people that might cause sadness or distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers. Introduction Like many cities, Perth was founded on wetlands that have been integral to its history and culture (Seddon 226–32). However, in order to promote a settlement agenda, early mapmakers sought to erase the city’s wetlands from cartographic depictions (Giblett, Cities). Since the colonial era, inner-Perth’s swamps and lakes have been drained, filled, significantly reduced in size, or otherwise reclaimed for urban expansion (Bekle). Not only have the swamps and lakes physically disappeared, the memories of their presence and influence on the city’s development over time are also largely forgotten. What was the site of Perth, specifically its wetlands, like before British settlement? In 2014, an interdisciplinary team at Edith Cowan University developed a digital visualisation process to re-imagine Perth prior to colonisation. This was based on early maps of the Swan River Colony and a range of archival information. The images depicted the city’s topography, hydrology, and vegetation and became the centerpiece of a physical exhibition entitled Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands and a virtual exhibition hosted by the Western Australian Museum. Alongside historic maps, paintings, photographs, and writings, the visual reconstruction of Perth aimed to foster appreciation of the pre-settlement environment—the homeland of the Whadjuck Nyoongar, or Bibbulmun, people (Carter and Nutter). The exhibition included the narrative of Fanny Balbuk, a Nyoongar woman who voiced her indignation over the “usurping of her beloved home ground” (Bates, The Passing 69) by flouting property lines and walking through private residences to reach places of cultural significance. Beginning with Balbuk’s story and the digital tracing of her walking route through colonial Perth, this article discusses the project in the context of contemporary pressures on the city’s extant wetlands. The re-imagining of Perth through historically, culturally, and geographically-grounded digital visualisation approaches can inspire the conservation of its wetlands heritage. Balbuk’s Walk through the City For many who grew up in Perth, Fanny Balbuk’s perambulations have achieved legendary status in the collective cultural imagination. In his memoir, David Whish-Wilson mentions Balbuk’s defiant walks and the lighting up of the city for astronaut John Glenn in 1962 as the two stories that had the most impact on his Perth childhood. From Gordon Stephenson House, Whish-Wilson visualises her journey in his mind’s eye, past Government House on St Georges Terrace (the main thoroughfare through the city centre), then north on Barrack Street towards the railway station, the site of Lake Kingsford where Balbuk once gathered bush tucker (4). He considers the footpaths “beneath the geometric frame of the modern city […] worn smooth over millennia that snake up through the sheoak and marri woodland and into the city’s heart” (Whish-Wilson 4). Balbuk’s story embodies the intertwined culture and nature of Perth—a city of wetlands. Born in 1840 on Heirisson Island, Balbuk (also known as Yooreel) (Figure 1) had ancestral bonds to the urban landscape. According to Daisy Bates, writing in the early 1900s, the Nyoongar term Matagarup, or “leg deep,” denotes the passage of shallow water near Heirisson Island where Balbuk would have forded the Swan River (“Oldest” 16). Yoonderup was recorded as the Nyoongar name for Heirisson Island (Bates, “Oldest” 16) and the birthplace of Balbuk’s mother (Bates, “Aboriginal”). In the suburb of Shenton Park near present-day Lake Jualbup, her father bequeathed to her a red ochre (or wilgi) pit that she guarded fervently throughout her life (Bates, “Aboriginal”).Figure 1. Group of Aboriginal Women at Perth, including Fanny Balbuk (far right) (c. 1900). Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: 44c). Balbuk’s grandparents were culturally linked to the site. At his favourite camp beside the freshwater spring near Kings Park on Mounts Bay Road, her grandfather witnessed the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Irwin, cousin of James Stirling (Bates, “Fanny”). In 1879, colonial entrepreneurs established the Swan Brewery at this significant locale (Welborn). Her grandmother’s gravesite later became Government House (Bates, “Fanny”) and she protested vociferously outside “the stone gates guarded by a sentry [that] enclosed her grandmother’s burial ground” (Bates, The Passing 70). Balbuk’s other grandmother was buried beneath Bishop’s Grove, the residence of the city’s first archibishop, now Terrace Hotel (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Historian Bob Reece observes that Balbuk was “the last full-descent woman of Kar’gatta (Karrakatta), the Bibbulmun name for the Mount Eliza [Kings Park] area of Perth” (134). According to accounts drawn from Bates, her home ground traversed the area between Heirisson Island and Perth’s north-western limits. In Kings Park, one of her relatives was buried near a large, hollow tree used by Nyoongar people like a cistern to capture water and which later became the site of the Queen Victoria Statue (Bates, “Aboriginal”). On the slopes of Mount Eliza, the highest point of Kings Park, at the western end of St Georges Terrace, she harvested plant foods, including zamia fruits (Macrozamia riedlei) (Bates, “Fanny”). Fanny Balbuk’s knowledge contributed to the native title claim lodged by Nyoongar people in 2006 as Bennell v. State of Western Australia—the first of its kind to acknowledge Aboriginal land rights in a capital city and part of the larger Single Nyoongar Claim (South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council et al.). Perth’s colonial administration perceived the city’s wetlands as impediments to progress and as insalubrious environments to be eradicated through reclamation practices. For Balbuk and other Nyoongar people, however, wetlands were “nourishing terrains” (Rose) that afforded sustenance seasonally and meaning perpetually (O’Connor, Quartermaine, and Bodney). Mary Graham, a Kombu-merri elder from Queensland, articulates the connection between land and culture, “because land is sacred and must be looked after, the relation between people and land becomes the template for society and social relations. Therefore all meaning comes from land.” Traditional, embodied reliance on Perth’s wetlands is evident in Bates’ documentation. For instance, Boojoormeup was a “big swamp full of all kinds of food, now turned into Palmerston and Lake streets” (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Considering her cultural values, Balbuk’s determination to maintain pathways through the increasingly colonial Perth environment is unsurprising (Figure 2). From Heirisson Island: a straight track had led to the place where once she had gathered jilgies [crayfish] and vegetable food with the women, in the swamp where Perth railway station now stands. Through fences and over them, Balbuk took the straight track to the end. When a house was built in the way, she broke its fence-palings with her digging stick and charged up the steps and through the rooms. (Bates, The Passing 70) One obstacle was Hooper’s Fence, which Balbuk broke repeatedly on her trips to areas between Kings Park and the railway station (Bates, “Hooper’s”). Her tenacious commitment to walking ancestral routes signifies the friction between settlement infrastructure and traditional Nyoongar livelihood during an era of rapid change. Figure 2. Determination of Fanny Balbuk’s Journey between Yoonderup (Heirisson Island) and Lake Kingsford, traversing what is now the central business district of Perth on the Swan River (2014). Image background prepared by Dimitri Fotev. Track interpolation by Jeff Murray. Project Background and Approach Inspired by Fanny Balbuk’s story, Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands began as an Australian response to the Mannahatta Project. Founded in 1999, that project used spatial analysis techniques and mapping software to visualise New York’s urbanised Manhattan Island—or Mannahatta as it was called by indigenous people—in the early 1600s (Sanderson). Based on research into the island’s original biogeography and the ecological practices of Native Americans, Mannahatta enabled the public to “peel back” the city’s strata, revealing the original composition of the New York site. The layers of visuals included rich details about the island’s landforms, water systems, and vegetation. Mannahatta compelled Rod Giblett, a cultural researcher at Edith Cowan University, to develop an analogous model for visualising Perth circa 1829. The idea attracted support from the City of Perth, Landgate, and the University. Using stories, artefacts, and maps, the team—comprising a cartographer, designer, three-dimensional modelling expert, and historical researchers—set out to generate visualisations of the landscape at the time of British colonisation. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup approved culturally sensitive material and contributed his perspective on Aboriginal content to include in the exhibition. The initiative’s context remains pressing. In many ways, Perth has become a template for development in the metropolitan area (Weller). While not unusual for a capital, the rate of transformation is perhaps unexpected in a city less than 200 years old (Forster). There also remains a persistent view of existing wetlands as obstructions to progress that, once removed, are soon forgotten (Urban Bushland Council). Digital visualisation can contribute to appreciating environments prior to colonisation but also to re-imagining possibilities for future human interactions with land, water, and space. Despite the rapid pace of change, many Perth area residents have memories of wetlands lost during their lifetimes (for example, Giblett, Forrestdale). However, as the clearing and drainage of the inner city occurred early in settlement, recollections of urban wetlands exist exclusively in historical records. In 1935, a local correspondent using the name “Sandgroper” reminisced about swamps, connecting them to Perth’s colonial heritage: But the Swamps were very real in fact, and in name in the [eighteen-] Nineties, and the Perth of my youth cannot be visualised without them. They were, of course, drying up apace, but they were swamps for all that, and they linked us directly with the earliest days of the Colony when our great-grandparents had founded this City of Perth on a sort of hog's-back, of which Hay-street was the ridge, and from which a succession of streamlets ran down its southern slope to the river, while land locked to the north of it lay a series of lakes which have long since been filled to and built over so that the only evidence that they have ever existed lies in the original street plans of Perth prepared by Roe and Hillman in the early eighteen-thirties. A salient consequence of the loss of ecological memory is the tendency to repeat the miscues of the past, especially the blatant disregard for natural and cultural heritage, as suburbanisation engulfs the area. While the swamps of inner Perth remain only in the names of streets, existing wetlands in the metropolitan area are still being threatened, as the Roe Highway (Roe 8) Campaign demonstrates. To re-imagine Perth’s lost landscape, we used several colonial survey maps to plot the location of the original lakes and swamps. At this time, a series of interconnecting waterbodies, known as the Perth Great Lakes, spread across the north of the city (Bekle and Gentilli). This phase required the earliest cartographic sources (Figure 3) because, by 1855, city maps no longer depicted wetlands. We synthesised contextual information, such as well depths, geological and botanical maps, settlers’ accounts, Nyoongar oral histories, and colonial-era artists’ impressions, to produce renderings of Perth. This diverse collection of primary and secondary materials served as the basis for creating new images of the city. Team member Jeff Murray interpolated Balbuk’s route using historical mappings and accounts, topographical data, court records, and cartographic common sense. He determined that Balbuk would have camped on the high ground of the southern part of Lake Kingsford rather than the more inundated northern part (Figure 2). Furthermore, she would have followed a reasonably direct course north of St Georges Terrace (contrary to David Whish-Wilson’s imaginings) because she was barred from Government House for protesting. This easier route would have also avoided the springs and gullies that appear on early maps of Perth. Figure 3. Townsite of Perth in Western Australia by Colonial Draftsman A. Hillman and John Septimus Roe (1838). This map of Perth depicts the wetlands that existed overlaid by the geomentric grid of the new city. Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: BA1961/14). Additionally, we produced an animated display based on aerial photographs to show the historical extent of change. Prompted by the build up to World War II, the earliest aerial photography of Perth dates from the late 1930s (Dixon 148–54). As “Sandgroper” noted, by this time, most of the urban wetlands had been drained or substantially modified. The animation revealed considerable alterations to the formerly swampy Swan River shoreline. Most prominent was the transformation of the Matagarup shallows across the Swan River, originally consisting of small islands. Now traversed by a causeway, this area was transformed into a single island, Heirisson—the general site of Balbuk’s birth. The animation and accompanying materials (maps, images, and writings) enabled viewers to apprehend the changes in real time and to imagine what the city was once like. Re-imagining Perth’s Urban Heart The physical environment of inner Perth includes virtually no trace of its wetland origins. Consequently, we considered whether a representation of Perth, as it existed previously, could enhance public understanding of natural heritage and thereby increase its value. For this reason, interpretive materials were exhibited centrally at Perth Town Hall. Built partly by convicts between 1867 and 1870, the venue is close to the site of the 1829 Foundation of Perth, depicted in George Pitt Morrison’s painting. Balbuk’s grandfather “camped somewhere in the city of Perth, not far from the Town Hall” (Bates, “Fanny”). The building lies one block from the site of the railway station on the site of Lake Kingsford, the subsistence grounds of Balbuk and her forebears: The old swamp which is now the Perth railway yards had been a favourite jilgi ground; a spring near the Town Hall had been a camping place of Maiago […] and others of her fathers' folk; and all around and about city and suburbs she had gathered roots and fished for crayfish in the days gone by. (Bates, “Derelicts” 55) Beginning in 1848, the draining of Lake Kingsford reached completion during the construction of the Town Hall. While the swamps of the city were not appreciated by many residents, some organisations, such as the Perth Town Trust, vigorously opposed the reclamation of the lake, alluding to its hydrological role: That, the soil being sand, it is not to be supposed that Lake Kingsford has in itself any material effect on the wells of Perth; but that, from this same reason of the sandy soil, it would be impossible to keep the lake dry without, by so doing, withdrawing the water from at least the adjacent parts of the townsite to the same depth. (Independent Journal of Politics and News 3) At the time of our exhibition, the Lake Kingsford site was again being reworked to sink the railway line and build Yagan Square, a public space named after a colonial-era Nyoongar leader. The project required specialised construction techniques due to the high water table—the remnants of the lake. People travelling to the exhibition by train in October 2014 could have seen the lake reasserting itself in partly-filled depressions, flush with winter rain (Figure 4).Figure 4. Rise of the Repressed (2014). Water Rising in the former site of Lake Kingsford/Irwin during construction, corner of Roe and Fitzgerald Streets, Northbridge, WA. Image Credit: Nandi Chinna (2014). The exhibition was situated in the Town Hall’s enclosed undercroft designed for markets and more recently for shops. While some visited after peering curiously through the glass walls of the undercroft, others hailed from local and state government organisations. Guest comments applauded the alternative view of Perth we presented. The content invited the public to re-imagine Perth as a city of wetlands that were both environmentally and culturally important. A display panel described how the city’s infrastructure presented a hindrance for Balbuk as she attempted to negotiate the once-familiar route between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford (Figure 2). Perth’s growth “restricted Balbuk’s wanderings; towns, trains, and farms came through her ‘line of march’; old landmarks were thus swept away, and year after year saw her less confident of the locality of one-time familiar spots” (Bates, “Fanny”). Conserving Wetlands: From Re-Claiming to Re-Valuing? Imagination, for philosopher Roger Scruton, involves “thinking of, and attending to, a present object (by thinking of it, or perceiving it, in terms of something absent)” (155). According to Scruton, the feelings aroused through imagination can prompt creative, transformative experiences. While environmental conservation tends to rely on data-driven empirical approaches, it appeals to imagination less commonly. We have found, however, that attending to the present object (the city) in terms of something absent (its wetlands) through evocative visual material can complement traditional conservation agendas focused on habitats and species. The actual extent of wetlands loss in the Swan Coastal Plain—the flat and sandy region extending from Jurien Bay south to Cape Naturaliste, including Perth—is contested. However, estimates suggest that 80 per cent of wetlands have been lost, with remaining habitats threatened by climate change, suburban development, agriculture, and industry (Department of Environment and Conservation). As with the swamps and lakes of the inner city, many regional wetlands were cleared, drained, or filled before they could be properly documented. Additionally, the seasonal fluctuations of swampy places have never been easily translatable to two-dimensional records. As Giblett notes, the creation of cartographic representations and the assignment of English names were attempts to fix the dynamic boundaries of wetlands, at least in the minds of settlers and administrators (Postmodern 72–73). Moreover, European colonists found the Western Australian landscape, including its wetlands, generally discomfiting. In a letter from 1833, metaphors failed George Fletcher Moore, the effusive colonial commentator, “I cannot compare these swamps to any marshes with which you are familiar” (220). The intermediate nature of wetlands—as neither land nor lake—is perhaps one reason for their cultural marginalisation (Giblett, Postmodern 39). The conviction that unsanitary, miasmic wetlands should be converted to more useful purposes largely prevailed (Giblett, Black 105–22). Felicity Morel-EdnieBrown’s research into land ownership records in colonial Perth demonstrated that town lots on swampland were often preferred. By layering records using geographic information systems (GIS), she revealed modifications to town plans to accommodate swampland frontages. The decline of wetlands in the region appears to have been driven initially by their exploitation for water and later for fertile soil. Northern market gardens supplied the needs of the early city. It is likely that the depletion of Nyoongar bush foods predated the flourishing of these gardens (Carter and Nutter). Engaging with the history of Perth’s swamps raises questions about the appreciation of wetlands today. In an era where numerous conservation strategies and alternatives have been developed (for example, Bobbink et al. 93–220), the exploitation of wetlands in service to population growth persists. On Perth’s north side, wetlands have long been subdued by controlling their water levels and landscaping their boundaries, as the suburban examples of Lake Monger and Hyde Park (formerly Third Swamp Reserve) reveal. Largely unmodified wetlands, such as Forrestdale Lake, exist south of Perth, but they too are in danger (Giblett, Black Swan). The Beeliar Wetlands near the suburb of Bibra Lake comprise an interconnected series of lakes and swamps that are vulnerable to a highway extension project first proposed in the 1950s. Just as the Perth Town Trust debated Lake Kingsford’s draining, local councils and the public are fiercely contesting the construction of the Roe Highway, which will bisect Beeliar Wetlands, destroying Roe Swamp (Chinna). The conservation value of wetlands still struggles to compete with traffic planning underpinned by a modernist ideology that associates cars and freeways with progress (Gregory). Outside of archives, the debate about Lake Kingsford is almost entirely forgotten and its physical presence has been erased. Despite the magnitude of loss, re-imagining the city’s swamplands, in the way that we have, calls attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities. We hope that the re-imagining of Perth’s wetlands stimulates public respect for ancestral tracks and songlines like Balbuk’s. Despite the accretions of settler history and colonial discourse, songlines endure as a fundamental cultural heritage. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup states, “as people, if we can get out there on our songlines, even though there may be farms or roads overlaying them, fences, whatever it is that might impede us from travelling directly upon them, if we can get close proximity, we can still keep our culture alive. That is why it is so important for us to have our songlines.” Just as Fanny Balbuk plied her songlines between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford, the traditional custodians of Beeliar and other wetlands around Perth walk the landscape as an act of resistance and solidarity, keeping the stories of place alive. Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge Rod Giblett (ECU), Nandi Chinna (ECU), Susanna Iuliano (ECU), Jeff Murray (Kareff Consulting), Dimitri Fotev (City of Perth), and Brendan McAtee (Landgate) for their contributions to this project. The authors also acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands upon which this paper was researched and written. References Bates, Daisy. “Fanny Balbuk-Yooreel: The Last Swan River (Female) Native.” The Western Mail 1 Jun. 1907: 45.———. “Oldest Perth: The Days before the White Men Won.” The Western Mail 25 Dec. 1909: 16–17.———. “Derelicts: The Passing of the Bibbulmun.” The Western Mail 25 Dec. 1924: 55–56. ———. “Aboriginal Perth.” The Western Mail 4 Jul. 1929: 70.———. “Hooper’s Fence: A Query.” The Western Mail 18 Apr. 1935: 9.———. The Passing of the Aborigines: A Lifetime Spent among the Natives of Australia. London: John Murray, 1966.Bekle, Hugo. “The Wetlands Lost: Drainage of the Perth Lake Systems.” Western Geographer 5.1–2 (1981): 21–41.Bekle, Hugo, and Joseph Gentilli. “History of the Perth Lakes.” Early Days 10.5 (1993): 442–60.Bobbink, Roland, Boudewijn Beltman, Jos Verhoeven, and Dennis Whigham, eds. Wetlands: Functioning, Biodiversity Conservation, and Restoration. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 2006. Carter, Bevan, and Lynda Nutter. Nyungah Land: Records of Invasion and Theft of Aboriginal Land on the Swan River 1829–1850. Guildford: Swan Valley Nyungah Community, 2005.Chinna, Nandi. “Swamp.” Griffith Review 47 (2015). 29 Sep. 2015 ‹https://griffithreview.com/articles/swamp›.Department of Environment and Conservation. Geomorphic Wetlands Swan Coastal Plain Dataset. Perth: Department of Environment and Conservation, 2008.Dixon, Robert. Photography, Early Cinema, and Colonial Modernity: Frank Hurley’s Synchronized Lecture Entertainments. London: Anthem Press, 2011. Forster, Clive. Australian Cities: Continuity and Change. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2004.Giblett, Rod. Postmodern Wetlands: Culture, History, Ecology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 1996. ———. Forrestdale: People and Place. Bassendean: Access Press, 2006.———. Black Swan Lake: Life of a Wetland. Bristol: Intellect, 2013.———. Cities and Wetlands: The Return of the Repressed in Nature and Culture. London: Bloomsbury, 2016. Chapter 2.Graham, Mary. “Some Thoughts about the Philosophical Underpinnings of Aboriginal Worldviews.” Australian Humanities Review 45 (2008). 29 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.australianhumanitiesreview.org/archive/Issue-November-2008/graham.html›.Gregory, Jenny. “Remembering Mounts Bay: The Narrows Scheme and the Internationalization of Perth Planning.” Studies in Western Australian History 27 (2011): 145–66.Independent Journal of Politics and News. “Perth Town Trust.” The Perth Gazette and Independent Journal of Politics and News 8 Jul. 1848: 2–3.Moore, George Fletcher. Extracts from the Letters of George Fletcher Moore. Ed. Martin Doyle. London: Orr and Smith, 1834.Morel-EdnieBrown, Felicity. “Layered Landscape: The Swamps of Colonial Northbridge.” Social Science Computer Review 27 (2009): 390–419. Nannup, Noel. Songlines with Dr Noel Nannup. Dir. Faculty of Regional Professional Studies, Edith Cowan University (2015). 29 Sep. 2015 ‹https://vimeo.com/129198094›. (Quoted material transcribed from 3.08–3.39 of the video.) O’Connor, Rory, Gary Quartermaine, and Corrie Bodney. Report on an Investigation into Aboriginal Significance of Wetlands and Rivers in the Perth-Bunbury Region. Perth: Western Australian Water Resources Council, 1989.Reece, Bob. “‘Killing with Kindness’: Daisy Bates and New Norcia.” Aboriginal History 32 (2008): 128–45.Rose, Deborah Bird. Nourishing Terrains: Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape and Wilderness. Canberra: Australian Heritage Commission, 1996.Sanderson, Eric. Mannahatta: A Natural History of New York City. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2009.Sandgroper. “Gilgies: The Swamps of Perth.” The West Australian 4 May 1935: 7.Scruton, Roger. Art and Imagination. London: Methuen, 1974.Seddon, George. Sense of Place: A Response to an Environment, the Swan Coastal Plain, Western Australia. Melbourne: Bloomings Books, 2004.South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council and John Host with Chris Owen. “It’s Still in My Heart, This is My Country:” The Single Noongar Claim History. Crawley: U of Western Australia P, 2009.Urban Bushland Council. “Bushland Issues.” 2015. 29 Sep. 2015 ‹http://www.bushlandperth.org.au/bushland-issues›.Welborn, Suzanne. Swan: The History of a Brewery. Crawley: U of Western Australia P, 1987.Weller, Richard. Boomtown 2050: Scenarios for a Rapidly Growing City. Crawley: U of Western Australia P, 2009. Whish-Wilson, David. Perth. Sydney: NewSouth Publishing, 2013.

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This article reflects on part of a three-year battle over the redevelopment of an iconic Melbourne music venue, the Palace-Metro Nightclub (the Palace), involving the tactical use of Facebook Page data at trial. We were invited by the Save the Palace group, Melbourne City Council and the National Trust of Australia to provide Facebook Page data analysis as evidence of the social value of the venue at an appeals trial heard at the Victorian Civil Administration Tribunal (VCAT) in 2016. We take a reflexive ethnographic approach here to explore the data production, collection and analysis processes as these represent and constitute a “data public”.Although the developers won the appeal and were able to re-develop the site, the court accepted the validity of social media data as evidence of the building’s social value (Jinshan Investment Group Pty Ltd v Melbourne CC [2016] VCAT 626, 117; see also Victorian Planning Reports). Through the case, we elaborate on the concept of data publics by considering the “affordising” (Pollock) processes at play when extracting, analysing and visualising social media data. Affordising refers to the designed, deliberate and incidental effects of datafication and highlights the need to attend to the capacities for data collection and processing as they produce particular analytical outcomes. These processes foreground the compositional character of data publics, and the unevenness of data literacies (McCosker “Data Literacies”; Gray et al.) as a factor of the interpersonal and institutional capacity to read and mobilise data for social outcomes.We begin by reconsidering the often-assumed connection between social media data and their publics. Taking onboard theoretical accounts of publics as problem-oriented (Dewey) and dynamically constituted (Kelty), we conceptualise data publics through the key elements of a) consequentiality, b) sufficient connection over time, c) affective or emotional qualities of connection and interaction with the events. We note that while social data analytics may be a powerful tool for public protest, it equally affords use against public interests and introduces risks in relation to a lack of transparency, access or adequate data literacy.Urban Protest and Data Publics There are many examples globally of the use of social media to engage publics in battles over urban development or similar issues (e.g. Fredericks and Foth). Some have asked how social media might be better used by neighborhood organisations to mobilise protest and save historic buildings, cultural landmarks or urban sites (Johnson and Halegoua). And we can only note here the wealth of research literature on social movements, protest and social media. To emphasise Gerbaudo’s point, drawing on Mattoni, we “need to account for how exactly the use of these media reshapes the ‘repertoire of communication’ of contemporary movements and affects the experience of participants” (2). For us, this also means better understanding the role that social data plays in both aiding and reshaping urban protest or arming third sector groups with evidence useful in social institutions such as the courts.New modes of digital engagement enable forms of distributed digital citizenship, which Meikle sees as the creative political relationships that form through exercising rights and responsibilities. Associated with these practices is the transition from sanctioned, simple discursive forms of social protest in petitions, to new indicators of social engagement in more nuanced social media data and the more interactive forms of online petition platforms like change.org or GetUp (Halpin et al.). These technical forms code publics in specific ways that have implications for contemporary protest action. That is, they provide the operational systems and instructions that shape social actions and relationships for protest purposes (McCosker and Milne).All protest and social movements are underwritten by explicit or implicit concepts of participatory publics as these are shaped, enhanced, or threatened by communication technologies. But participatory protest publics are uneven, and as Kelty asks: “What about all the people who are neither protesters nor Twitter users? In the broadest possible sense this ‘General Public’ cannot be said to exist as an actual entity, but only as a kind of virtual entity” (27). Kelty is pointing to the porous boundary between a general public and an organised public, or formal enterprise, as a reminder that we cannot take for granted representations of a public, or the public as a given, in relation to Like or follower data for instance.If carefully gauged, the concept of data publics can be useful. To start with, the notions of publics and publicness are notoriously slippery. Baym and boyd explore the differences between these two terms, and the way social media reconfigures what “public” is. Does a Comment or a Like on a Facebook Page connect an individual sufficiently to an issues-public? As far back as the 1930s, John Dewey was seeking a pragmatic approach to similar questions regarding human association and the pluralistic space of “the public”. For Dewey, “the machine age has so enormously expanded, multiplied, intensified and complicated the scope of the indirect consequences [of human association] that the resultant public cannot identify itself” (157). To what extent, then, can we use data to constitute a public in relation to social protest in the age of data analytics?There are numerous well formulated approaches to studying publics in relation to social media and social networks. Social network analysis (SNA) determines publics, or communities, through links, ties and clustering, by measuring and mapping those connections and to an extent assuming that they constitute some form of sociality. Networked publics (Ito, 6) are understood as an outcome of social media platforms and practices in the use of new digital media authoring and distribution tools or platforms and the particular actions, relationships or modes of communication they afford, to use James Gibson’s sense of that term. “Publics can be reactors, (re)makers and (re)distributors, engaging in shared culture and knowledge through discourse and social exchange as well as through acts of media reception” (Ito 6). Hashtags, for example, facilitate connectivity and visibility and aid in the formation and “coordination of ad hoc issue publics” (Bruns and Burgess 3). Gray et al., following Ruppert, argue that “data publics are constituted by dynamic, heterogeneous arrangements of actors mobilised around data infrastructures, sometimes figuring as part of them, sometimes emerging as their effect”. The individuals of data publics are neither subjugated by the logics and metrics of digital platforms and data structures, nor simply sovereign agents empowered by the expressive potential of aggregated data (Gray et al.).Data publics are more than just aggregates of individual data points or connections. They are inherently unstable, dynamic (despite static analysis and visualisations), or vibrant, and ephemeral. We emphasise three key elements of active data publics. First, to be more than an aggregate of individual items, a data public needs to be consequential (in Dewey’s sense of issues or problem-oriented). Second, sufficient connection is visible over time. Third, affective or emotional activity is apparent in relation to events that lend coherence to the public and its prevailing sentiment. To these, we add critical attention to the affordising processes – or the deliberate and incidental effects of datafication and analysis, in the capacities for data collection and processing in order to produce particular analytical outcomes, and the data literacies these require. We return to the latter after elaborating on the Save the Palace case.Visualising Publics: Highlighting Engagement and IntensityThe Palace theatre was built in 1912 and served as a venue for theatre, cinema, live performance, musical acts and as a nightclub. In 2014 the Heritage Council decided not to include the Palace on Victoria’s heritage register and hence opened the door for developers, but Melbourne City Council and the National Trust of Australia opposed the redevelopment on the grounds of the building’s social significance as a music venue. Similarly, the Save the Palace group saw the proposed redevelopment as affecting the capacity of Melbourne CBD to host medium size live performances, and therefore impacting deeply on the social fabric of the local music scene. The Save the Palace group, chaired by Rebecca Leslie and Michael Raymond, maintained a 36,000+ strong Facebook Page and mobilised local members through regular public street protests, and participated in court proceedings in 2015 and February 2016 with Melbourne City Council and National Trust Australia. Joining the protesters in the lead up to the 2016 appeals trial, we aimed to use social media engagement data to measure, analyse and present evidence of the extent and intensity of a sustained protest public. The evidence we submitted had to satisfy VCAT’s need to establish the social value of the building and the significance of its redevelopment, and to explain: a) how social media works; b) the meaning of the number of Facebook Likes on the Save The Palace Page and the timing of those Likes, highlighting how the reach and Likes pick up at significant events; and c) whether or not a representative sample of Comments are supportive of the group and the Palace Theatre (McCosker “Statement”). As noted in the case (Jinshan, 117), where courts have traditionally relied on one simple measure for contemporary social value – the petition – our aim was to make use of the richer measures available through social media data, to better represent sustained engagement with the issues over time.Visualising a protest public in this way raises two significant problems for a workable concept of data publics. The first involves the “affordising” (Pollock) work of both the platform and our data analysis. This concerns the role played by data access and platform affordances for data capture, along with methodological choices made to best realise or draw out the affordances of the data for our purposes. The second concerns the issue of digital and data literacies in both the social acts that help to constitute a data public in the first place, and the capacity to read and write public data to represent those activities meaningfully. That is, Facebook and our analysis constitutes a data public in certain ways that includes potentially opaque decisions or processes. And citizens (protesters or casual Facebook commenters alike) along with social institutions (like the courts) have certain uneven capacity to effectively produce or read public protest-oriented data. The risk here, which we return to in the final section, lies in the potential for misrepresentation of publics through data, exclusions of access and ownership of data, and the uneven digital literacies at each stage of data production, analysis and sensemaking.Facebook captures data about individuals in intricate detail. Its data capture strategies are geared toward targeting for the purposes of marketing, although only a small subset of the data is publicly available through the Facebook Application Programming Interface (API), which is a kind of data “gateway”. The visible page data tells only part of the story. The total Page Likes in February 2016 was 36,828, representing a sizeable number of followers, mainly located in Melbourne but including 45 countries in total and 38 different languages. We extracted a data set of 268,211 engagements with the Page between February 2013 and August 2015. This included 45,393 post Likes and 9,139 Comments. Our strategy was to demarcate a structurally defined “community” (in the SNA sense of that term as delineating clusters of people, activities and links within a broader network), by visualising the interactions of Facebook users with Posts over time, and then examine elements of intensity of engagement. In other words, we “affordised” the network data using SNA techniques to most clearly convey the social value of the networked public.We used a combination of API access and Facebook’s native Insights data and analytics to extract use-data from that Page between June 2013 and December 2015. Analysis of a two-mode or bipartite network consisting of users and Posts was compiled using vosonSML, a package in the R programming language created at Australian National University (Graham and Ackland) and visualised with Gephi software. In this network, the nodes (or vertices) represent Facebook users and Facebook Posts submitted on the Page, and ties (or edges) between nodes represent whether a user has commented on and/or liked a post. For example, a user U might have liked Post A and commented on Post B. Additionally, a weight value is assigned for the Comments ties, indicating how many times a user commented on a particular post (note that users can only like Posts once). We took these actions as demonstrating sufficient connection over time in relation to an issue of common concern.Figure 1: Network visualisation of activity on the Save the Palace Facebook Page, June 2013 to December 2015. The colour of the nodes denotes which ‘community’ cluster they belong to (computed via the Infomap algorithm) and nodes are sized by out-degree (number of Likes/Comments made by users to Posts). The graph layout is computed via the Force Atlas 2 algorithm.Community detection was performed on the network using the Infomap algorithm (Rosvall and Bergstrom), which is suited to large-scale weighted and directed networks (Henman et al.). This analysis reveals two large and two smaller clusters or groups represented by colour differences (Fig. 1). Broadly, this suggests the presence of several clusters amongst a sustained network engaging with the page over the three years. Beyond this, a range of other colours denoting smaller clusters indicates a diversity of activity and actors co-participating in the network as part of a broader community.The positioning of nodes within the network is not random – the visualisation is generated by the Force Atlas 2 algorithm (Jacomy et al.) that spatially sorts the nodes through processes of attraction and repulsion according to the observed patterns of connectivity. As we would expect, the two-dimensional spatial arrangement of nodes conforms to the community clustering, helping us to visualise the network in the form of a networked public, and build a narrative interpretation of “what is going on” in this online social space.Social value for VCAT was loosely defined as a sense of connection, sentiment and attachment to the venue. While we could illustrate the extent of the active connections of those engaging with the Page, the network map does not in itself reveal much about the sentiment, or the emotional attachment to the Save the Palace cause. This kind of affect can be understood as “the energy that drives, neutralizes, or entraps networked publics” (Papacharissi 7), and its measure presents a particular challenge, but also interest, for understanding a data public. It is often measured through sentiment analysis of content, but we targeted reach and engagement events – particular moments that indicated intense interaction with the Page and associated events.Figure 2: Save the Palace Facebook Page: Organic post reach November—December 2014The affective connection and orientation could be demonstrated through two dimensions of post “reach”: average reach across the lifespan of the Page, and specific “reach-events”. Average reach illustrates the sustained engagement with the Page over time. Average un-paid reach for Posts with links (primarily news and legal updates), was 12,015 or 33% of the total follower base – a figure well above the standard for Community Page reach at that time. Reach-events indicated particular points of intensity and illustrates the Page’s ability to resonate publicly. Figure 2 points to one such event in November 2015, when news circulated that the developers were defying stop-work orders and demolishing parts of The Palace. The 100k reach indicated intense and widespread activity – Likes, Shares, Comments – in a short timeframe. We examined Comment activity in relation to specific reach events to qualify this reach event and illustrate the sense of outrage directed toward the developers, and expressions of solidarity toward those attempting to stop the redevelopment. Affordising Data Publics and the Transformative Work of AnalyticsEach stage of deriving evidence of social value through Page data, from building public visibility and online activity to analysis and presentation at VCAT, was affected by the affordising work of the protesters involved (particularly the Page Admins), civil society groups, platform features and data structures and our choices in analysis and presentation. The notion of affordising is useful here because, as Pollock defines the term, it draws attention to the transformative work of metrics, analytics, platform features and other devices that re-package social activity through modes of datafication and analysis. The Save the Palace group mobilised in a particular way so as to channel their activities, make them visible and archival, to capture the resonant effects of their public protest through a platform that would best make that public visible to itself. The growth of the interest in the Facebook Page feeds back on itself reflexively as more people encounter it and participate. Contrary to critiques of “clicktivism”, these acts combine digital-material events and activities that were to become consequential for the public protest – such as the engagement activities around the November 2015 event described in Figure 2.In addition, presenting the research in court introduced particular hurdles, in finding “the meaningful data” appropriate to the needs of the case, “visualizing social data for social purposes”, and the need to be “evocative as well as accurate” (Donath, 16). The visualisation and presentation of the data needed to afford a valid and meaningful expression of the social significance the Palace. Which layout algorithm to use? What scale do we want to use? Which community detection algorithm and colour scheme for nodes? These choices involve challenges regarding legibility of visualisations of public data (McCosker and Wilken; Kennedy et al.).The transformative actions at play in these tactics of public data analysis can inform other instances of data-driven protest or social participation, but also leave room for misuse. The interests of developers, for example, could equally be served by monitoring protesters’ actions through the same data, or by targeting disagreement or ambiguity in the data. Similarly, moves by Facebook to restrict access to Page data will disproportionately affect those without the means to pay for access. These tactics call for further work in ethical principles of open data, standardisation and data literacies for the courts and those who would benefit from use of their own public data in this way.ConclusionsWe have argued through the case of the Save the Palace protest that in order to make use of public social media data to define a data public, multiple levels of data literacy, access and affordising are required. Rather than assuming that public data simply constitutes a data public, we have emphasised: a) the consequentiality of the movement; b) sufficient connection over time; and c) affective or emotional qualities of connection and interaction with public events. This includes the activities of the core members of the Save the Palace protest group, and the tens of thousands who engaged in some way with the Page. It also involves Facebook’s data affordances as these allow for the extraction of public data, alongside our choices in analysis and visualisation, and the court’s capacity and openness to accept all of this as indicative of the social value (connections, sentiment, attachment) it sought for the case. The Senior Member and Member presiding over the case had little knowledge of Facebook or other social media platforms, did not use them, and hence themselves had limited capacity to recognise the social and cultural nuances of activities that took place through the Facebook Page. This does not exclude the use of the data but made it more difficult to present a picture of the relevance and consequence of the data for understanding the social value evident in the contested building. 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Abstract:

In post-socialist China, gender norms are marked by rising divorce rates (Kleinman et al.), shifting attitudes towards sex (Farrer; Yan), and a growing commercialisation of sex (Zheng). These phenomena have been understood as indicative of market reforms unhinging past gender norms. In the socialist period, the radical politics of the time moulded women as gender neutral even as state policies emphasised their feminine roles in maintaining marital harmony and stability (Evans). These ideas around domesticity bear strong resemblance to pre-socialist understandings of womanhood and family that anchored Chinese society before the Communists took power in 1949. In this pre-socialist understanding, women were categorised into a hierarchy that defined their rights as wives, mothers, concubines, and servants (Ebrey and Watson; Wolf and Witke). Women who transgressed these categories were regarded as potentially dangerous and powerful enough to break up families and shake the foundations of Chinese society (Ahern). This paper explores the extent to which understandings of Chinese femininity have been reconfigured in the context of China’s post-1979 development, particularly after the 2000s.The popular television dramas Chinese Style Divorce (2004, Divorce), Dwelling Narrowness (2009, Dwelling), and Divorce Lawyers (2014, Lawyers) are set against this socio-cultural backdrop. The production of these shows is regulated by the China State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television (SARFT), who has the power to grant or deny production and distribution permits. Post-production, the dramas are sold to state-owned television stations for distribution (Yu 36). Haiqing Yu summarises succinctly the state of Chinese media: “Chinese state manipulation and interference in the media market has seen the party-state media marketized but not weakened, media control decentralized but not reduced, and the media industry commercialized but not privatized” (42). Shot in one of the biggest cities in Shandong, Qingdao, Divorce focuses on Doctor Song Jianping and his schoolteacher wife Lin Xiaofeng and the conflicts between Song and Lin, who quits her job to become a stay-at-home mom after her husband secures a high-paying job in a foreign-invested hospital. Lin becomes paranoid and volatile, convinced that their divorced neighbour Xiao Li is having an affair with Song. Refusing to explain the situation, Song is willing to give her a divorce but fights over guardianship of their son. In the end, it is unconfirmed whether they reconcile or divorce. Divorce was recognised as TV Drama of the Year in 2004 and the two leads also won awards for their acting. Reruns of the show continue to air. According to Hui Faye Xiao, “It is reported that many college students viewed this TV show as a textbook on married life in urban settings” (118). Dwelling examines the issue of skyrocketing housing prices and the fates of the Guo sisters, Haizao and Haiping, who moved from rural China to the competitive economically advanced metropolis. Haiping is obsessed with buying an apartment while her younger sister becomes the mistress of a corrupt official, Song Siming. Both sisters receive favours from Song, which leads to Haiping’s success in purchasing a home. However, Haizao is less fortunate. She has a miscarriage and her uterus removed while Song dies in a car accident. Online responses from the audience praise Dwelling for its penetrating and realistic insights into the complex web of familial relationships navigated by Chinese people living in a China under transformation (Xiao, “Woju”). Dwelling was taken off the air when a SARFT official criticised the drama for violating state-endorsed “cultural standards” in its explicit discussions of sex and negative portrayals of government officials (Hung, “State” 156). However, the show continued to be streamed online and it has been viewed and downloaded more than 100 million times (Yu 34). In Lawyers, Luo Li and Chi Haidong are two competing divorce lawyers in Beijing who finally tie the knot. Chi was a happily married man before catching his wife with her lover. Newly divorced, he moves into the same apartment building as Luo and the drama focuses on a series of cases they handle, most of which involve extramarital affairs. Lawyers has been viewed more than 1.6 billion times online (v.qq.com) and received the China Huading award for “favourite television drama” in 2015. Although these dramas contain some conventional elements of domestic melodramas, such as extramarital affairs and domestic disputes, they differ from traditional Chinese television dramas because they do not focus on the common trope of fraught mother-in-law and daughter-in-law relationships.Centred on the politics of family ethics, these hugely popular dramas present the transformation in gender norms as a struggle between post-socialist and pre-socialist understandings of femininity. On the one hand, these dramas celebrate the emergence of a post-socialist femininity that is independent, economically successful, and sexually liberated, epitomising this new understanding of womanhood in the figures of single women and mistresses. On the other hand, the dramas portray these post-socialist women in perpetual conflict with wives and mothers who propound a pre-socialist form of femininity that is sexually conservative and defined by familial relationships, and is economically less viable in the market economy. Focusing on depictions of femininity in these dramas, this paper offers a comparative analysis into the extent to which gender norms have been reconfigured in post-socialist China. It approaches these television dramas as a pedagogical device (Brady) and pays particular attention to the ways through which different categories of women interrogated their rights as single women, mistresses, wives, and mothers. In doing so, it illuminates the politics through which a liberal post-socialist femininity unleashed by market transformation is controlled in order to protect the integrity of the family and maintain social order. Post-Socialist Femininity Unleashed: Single Women and Mistresses A woman’s identity is inextricably linked to her marital status in Chinese society. In pre-socialist China, women relied on men as providers and were expected to focus on contributing to her husband’s family (Ebrey and Watson; Wolf and Witke). This pre-socialist positioning of women within the private realm of the family, though reinterpreted, continued to resonate in the socialist period when women were expected to fulfil marital obligations as wives and participate in the public domain as revolutionaries (Evans). While the pressure to marry has not disappeared in post-socialist China, as the derogatory term “leftover women” (single women over the age of 27) indicates, there are now more choices for single women living in metropolitan cities who are highly educated and financially independent. They can choose to remain single, get married, or become mistresses. Single women can be regarded as a threat to wives because the only thing holding them back from becoming mistresses is their morals. The 28-year-old “leftover woman” Luo Li (Lawyers) is presented as morally superior to single women who choose to become mistresses (Luo Meiyuan and Shi Jiang) and therefore deserving of a happy ending because she breaks up with her boss as soon as she discovers he is married. Luo Li quits to set up a law firm with her friend Tang Meiyu. Both women are beautiful, articulate, intelligent, and sexually liberated, symbolising unleashed post-socialist femininity. Part of the comic relief in Lawyers is the subplot of Luo’s mother trying to introduce her to “eligible” bachelors such as the “PhD man” (Episodes 20–21). Luo is unwilling to lower her standards to escape the stigma of being a “leftover woman” and she is rewarded for adhering to her ideals in the end when she convinces the marriage-phobic Chi Haidong to marry her after she rejects a marriage proposal from her newly divorced ex-lover. While Luo Li refuses to remain a mistress, many women do not subscribe to her worldview. Mistresses have existed throughout Chinese history in the form of concubines and courtesans. A wealthy and powerful man was expected to have concubines, who were usually from lower socio-economic backgrounds (Ebrey and Watson; Liu). Mistresses, now referred to as xiaosan, have become a heated topic in post-socialist China where they are regarded as having the power to destroy families by transgressing moral boundaries. Some argue that the phenomenon is a result of the market-driven economy where women who desire a financially stable life use their sexuality to seek rich married men who lust for younger mistresses as symbols of power. Ruth Y.Y. Hung characterises the xiaosan phenomenon as a “horrendous sex trade [that is] a marker of neoliberal market economies in the new PRC” (“Imagination” 100). A comparison of the three dramas reveals a transformation in the depiction of mistresses over the last decade. While Xiao Li (Divorce) is never “confirmed” as Song Jianping’s mistress, she flirts with him and crosses the boundaries of a professional relationship, posing a threat to the stability of Song’s family life. Although Haizao (Dwelling) is university-educated and has a stable, if low-paying job, she chooses to break up with her earnest caring fiancé to be the mistress of the middle-aged Song Siming who offers her material benefits in the form of “loans” she knows she will never be able to repay, a fancy apartment to live in, and other “gifts” such as dining at expensive restaurants and shopping at big malls. While the fresh-faced Haizao exhibits a physical transformation after becoming Song’s mistress, demonstrated through her newly permed hair coupled with an expensive red coat, mistresses in Lawyers do not change in this way. Dong Dahai’s mistress, the voluptuous Luo Meiyuan is already a successful career woman who flaunts her perfect makeup, long wavy hair, and body-hugging dresses (Episodes 12–26). She exudes sexual confidence but her relationship is not predicated on receiving financial favours in return for sexual ones. She tells Dong’s wife that the only “third person” in a relationship is the “unloved” one (Episode 15). Another mistress who challenges old ideas of the power dynamic of the rich man and financially reliant young woman is the divorced Shi Jiang, Tang Meiyu’s former classmate, who becomes the mistress of Tang’s husband (Cao Qiankun) without any moral qualms, even though she knows that her friend is pregnant with his child. A powerful businesswoman, Shi is the owner of a high-end bar that Cao frequents after losing his job. Unable to tell his wife the truth, he spends most days wandering around and is unable to resist Shi’s advances because she claims to have loved him since their university days and that she understands him. In this relationship, Shi has taken on the role traditionally assigned to men: she is the affluent powerful one who is able to manipulate the downtrodden unemployed man by “lending” him money in his time of need, offering him a job at her bar (Episode 17), and eventually finding him a new job through her connections (Episodes 23–24). When Cao leaves home after Tang finds out about the affair, Shi provides him with a place to stay (Episode 34). Because the viewers are positioned to root for Tang due to her role as the female lead’s best friend, Shi is immediately set up as one of the villains, although she is portrayed in a more sympathetic light after she reveals to Cao that she was forced to give up her son to her ex-husband in America (who cheated on her) in order to finalise her divorce (Episode 29).The portrayal of different mistresses in Lawyers signals a transformation in the representation of gender compared to Divorce and Dwelling, because the women are less naïve than Haizao, financially well-off because of their business acumen, and much more outspoken and determined to fight for what they want. On the surface these women are depicted as more liberated and free from gender hierarchies and sexual oppression. Hung describes xiaosan as “an active if constrained agent . . . whose new mode of life has become revealingly defensible and publicly acceptable in socioeconomic terms that reflect the moral changes that follow economic reforms” (“State” 166). However, the closure of these storylines suggest that although more complex reasons for becoming a mistress have been explored in the new drama, mistresses are still regarded as a threat to social stability and therefore punished, challenging Hung’s argument about the “acceptability” of mistresses in post-socialist China. Post-Socialist Femininity Restrained: Wives and MothersCountering these liberal forms of post-socialist femininity are portrayals of righteous wives and exemplary mothers. These depictions articulate a moral positioning grounded in pre-socialist and socialist understandings of a woman’s place in Chinese society. These portrayals of moral women check the transgressive powers of single women and mistresses with the potential to break families up. More importantly, they remind the audience of desired gender norms that retain the integrity of the family and anchor a society undergoing rapid transformation.The three dramas portray wives who are stridently righteous in their confrontations with women they perceive as a threat to their families. These women find moral justification for the violence they inflict on transgressors from cultural understandings of their rights as wives. Lin Xiaofeng (Divorce) repeatedly challenges Xiao Li to explain the “logic” underlying her actions when she discovers that Xiao accompanied Song Jianping to a wedding (Episode 14). The “logic” Lin refers to is a cultural understanding that it is her right as wife to accompany Song to public events and not Xiao’s. By transgressing this moral boundary, Xiao accords Lin the moral authority to cast doubt on her abilities as a doctor in a public confrontation. It also provides moral justification for Lin to slap Xiao when she suggests that Lin is an embarrassment to her husband, an argument that underscores Lin’s failure and challenges her moral authority as wife. Jiang Miaomiao (Dwelling) draws on similar cultural understandings when she appears at the apartment Haizao shares with Song Siming (Episode 33). Jiang positions herself in the traditional role of a wife as a household manager (Ebrey) whose responsibilities include paying Song’s mistresses. She puts Haizao into a subordinate position by arguing that since Haizao is less than a mistress and slightly better than a prostitute, she is not worth the money Song has given her. When Haizao refuses to return the money a tussle ensues, causing Haizao to have a miscarriage. Likewise, Miao Jinxiu (Lawyers) draws on similar cultural understandings of a wife’s position when she laments popular arguments that depict mistresses such as Luo Meiyuan as usurping the superior position of wives like herself who are less attractive and able to navigate the market economy. Miao describes these arguments as “inverting black into white” (Episode 19). She publicly humiliates Luo by throwing paint on her at a charity event (Episode 17) and covers Luo’s car with posters labelling Luo a “slu*t,” “prostitute,” and “shameless” (Episode 18). Miao succeeds in “winning” her husband back. The public violence Miao inflicts on Luo and her success in protecting her marriage are struggles to reinforce the boundaries defining the categories of wife and mistress as these limits become increasingly challenged in China. In contrast to the violent strategies that Lin, Jiang, and Miao adopt, Tang Meiyu resists Shi Jiang’s destructive powers by reminding her errant husband of the emotional warmth of their family. She asks him, “Do you still remember telling me what the nicest sound is at home?” For Cao, the best sounds are Tang’s laughter, their baby’s cries, the sound of the washing machine, and the flushing of their leaky toilet (Episode 43). The couple reconciles and even wins a lottery that cements their “happy ending.” By highlighting the warmth of their family, Tang reminds Cao of her rightful place as wife, restrains Shi from breaking up the couple, and protects the integrity of the family. It is by drawing on deeply entrenched cultural understandings of the rights of wives that these women find the moral authority to challenge, restrain, and control the transgressive powers of mistresses and single women. The dramas’ portrayals of mothers further reinforce the sense that there is a need to restrain liberal forms of post-socialist femininity embodied by errant daughters who transgress the moral boundaries of the family. Lin Xiaofeng’s mother (Divorce) assumes the role of the forgiving wife and mother. She not only forgives Lin’s father for having an affair but raises Lin, her husband’s love child, as her own (Episode 23). On her deathbed, she articulates the values underlying her acceptance of this transgression, namely that one needs to be “a little kinder, more tolerant, and a little muddleheaded” when dealing with matters of the family. Her forgiveness bears fruit in the form of the warm companionship and support she enjoys with Lin’s father. This sends a strong pedagogical message to the audience that it is possible for a marriage to remain intact if one is willing to forgive. In contrast, Haizao’s mother (Dwelling) adopts the role of the disciplinary mother. She attempts to beat Haizao with a coat hanger when she finds out that her daughter is pregnant with Song Siming’s child (Episode 31). She describes Haizao’s decision as “the wrong path” and is emphatic that abortion is the only way to right this wrong. She argues that abortion will allow her daughter to start life anew in a relationship she describes as “open and aboveboard,” which will culminate in marriage. When Haizao rejects her mother’s disciplining, her lover dies in a car accident and she has a miscarriage. She loses her ability to speak for two months after these double tragedies and pays the ultimate price, losing her reproductive abilities. Luo Li’s mother (Lawyers), Li Chunhua, extends this pedagogical approach by adopting the role of public counsellor as a talk show host. Li describes Luo’s profession as “wicked” because it focuses on separating the family (Episode 9). Instead, she promotes reconciliation as an alternative. She counsels couples to remain together by propounding traditional family values, such as the need for daughters-in-law to consider the filial obligations of sons when managing their relationship with their mothers-in-law (Episode 25). Her rising ratings and the effectiveness of her strategy in bringing estranged couples like Miao Jinxiu and Dong Dahai back together (Episode 26) challenges the transgressive powers of mistresses by preventing the separation of families. More importantly, as with Haizao’s and Lin’s mothers, the moral force of Li’s position and the alternatives to divorce that she suggests draw on pre-socialist and socialist understandings of family values that underscore the sanctity of marriage to the audience. By reminding errant daughters of deeply embedded cultural standards of what it means to be a woman in Chinese society, these mothers are moral exemplars who restrain the potentiality of daughters becoming mistresses. ConclusionMarket reforms have led to a transformation in understandings of womanhood in post-socialist China. Depictions of mistresses and single women as independent, economically successful, and sexually liberated underscores the emergence of liberal forms of post-socialist femininity. Although adept at navigating the new market economy, these types of post-socialist women threaten the integrity of the family and need to be controlled. Moral arguments articulated by wives and mothers restrain the potentially destructive powers of post-socialist womanhood by drawing on deeply embedded understandings of the rights of women shaped in pre-socialist China. It is by disciplining liberal forms of post-socialist femininity such that they fit back into deeply embedded gender hierarchies that social order is restored. By illuminating the moral politics undergirding relationships between women in post-socialist China, the dramas discussed underscore the continued significance of television as a pedagogical device through which desired gender norms are popularised. These portrayals of the struggles between liberal forms of post-socialist femininity and conservative pre-socialist understandings of womanhood as lived in everyday life serve to communicate the importance of protecting the integrity of the family and maintaining social stability in order for China to continue to pursue development. ReferencesAhern, Emily. “The Power and Pollution of Chinese Women.” Women in Chinese Society. Eds. Margery Wolf et al. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1975. 193–214. Brady, Anne-Marie. Marketing Dictatorship: Propaganda and Thought Work in Contemporary China. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007. China Huading Award. “Top 100 TV Series Satisfaction Survey.” 9 Aug. 2015. Chinese Style Divorce. Writ. Wang Hailing. Dir. Shen Yan. Beijing Jindun Xintong Film & Television Culture, 2004. Divorce Lawyers. Writ. Chen Tong. Dir. Yang Wenjun. JSTV, 2014. Dwelling Narrowness. Writ. Liu Liu, Teng Huatao, Cao Dun. Dir. Teng Huatao. Shanghai Media Group, 2009. Ebrey, Patricia. The Inner Quarters: Marriage and the Lives of Chinese Women in the Sung Period. Berkeley: U of California P, 1993.Ebrey, Patricia, and Rubie Watson, eds. Marriage and Inequality in Chinese Society. Berkeley: U of California P, 1991. Evans, Harriet. Women and Sexuality in China: Dominant Discourses of Female Sexuality since 1949. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997. Farrer, James. Opening Up: Youth Sex Culture and Market Reform in Shanghai. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2002. Hung, Ruth Y.Y. “The State and the Market: Chinese TV Serials and the Case of Woju (Dwelling Narrowness).” boundary 2 38.2 (2011): 155–187. ———. “Imagination in the Box: Woju’s Realism and the Representation of Xiaosan.” Television, Sex and Society: Analyzing Contemporary Representations. Eds. Basil Glynn et al. New York: Continuum, 2012. 89–105. Kleinman, Arthur, et al. “Introduction: Remaking the Moral Person in a New China.” Deep China: What Anthropology and Psychiatry Tell Us about China Today. Eds. Arthur Kleinman et al. Berkeley: U of California P, 2011. 1–35.Liu, Jieyu. “Gender and Sexuality.” Understanding Chinese Society. 2nd ed. Ed. Xiaowei Zang. London: Routledge, 2016. 53–66. Wolf, Margery, and Roxane Witke, eds. Women in Chinese Society. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1975. Xiao, f*cking. “Woju Is a Sting Aimed at Reality.” ChinaNews.com.cn, 19 Nov. 2009. Xiao, Hui Faye. Marital Strife in Contemporary Chinese Literature and Visual Culture. Seattle: U of Washington P, 2014. Yu, Haiqing. “Dwelling Narrowness: Chinese Media and Their Disingenuous Neoliberal Logic.” Continuum 25.1 (2011): 33–46. Yan, Yunxiang. Private Life under Socialism: Love, Intimacy, and Family Change in a Chinese Village, 1949–1999. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003. Zheng, Tiantian. Red Lights: The Lives of Sex Workers in Postsocialist China. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 2009.

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Introduction Although our postmodern (media) society should provide room for diversity and otherness (Greer and Jewkes), some people are not integrated but rather excluded. Social exclusion can be defined as the discrepancy of the wish of being part of a society and its possibilities to be part of it and contains feelings or experiences of physically or emotionally exclusion from others (Burchardt et al.; Riva and Eck). It is not really known what or who is responsible for social exclusion (Hills et al.), but it is certain that it is not that rare phenomenon — especially in social media. Here, digital engagement characteristics (likes, follows, shares, and comments) are important to build up, renew, and strengthen different forms of relationships. But if users do not receive any feedback, the risk of feeling social excluded increases. In this context, adolescents and young adults as the primary audience are the focus of interest. They seem to be especially vulnerable when it comes to social ostracism within social media and its potential negative psychological effects (Timeo et al.). The variety of social exclusion allows multiple perspectives on the topic. Hereafter we focus on young people with cancer. This life-threatening disease can increase the risk of being excluded. Cancer as a chronic illness and its negative effects on people’s lives, such as potential death, long-term and late effects, private and social burdens (Hilgendorf et al.), show an obvious otherness compared to the healthy peer, which might push ostracism effects and social exclusion of young people within social media to a new level. We actually can see a large number of (included) young cancer patients and survivors using social media for information sharing, exchanging ideas, networking, and addressing their unmet needs of the real world (Chou et al.; Chou and Moskowitz; Ruckenstuhl et al.; Perales et al.). Especially Instagram is becoming more present in social cancer communication (Stage et al.), though it actually increasingly represents cheerful, easy-going content (Hu et al.; Waterloo et al.). Judging by the number of cancer-related hashtags, we can see more and more public cancer bloggers thematise cancer illness on Instagram. But less is known about the actual content posted by cancer bloggers on Instagram. This leads us to the question, to what extent is cancer content found and included or excluded on public Instagram profiles of German speaking cancer bloggers? And is there a difference between biography descriptions with visible cancer references and posted motifs, captions and hashtags? Chronic Illnesses, Identities, and Social Networks Chronic illnesses such as cancer not only affect the body, but also impact on the identity of those affected. It is understood as life-changing with both short-term and long-term effects on the identity-forming process and on the already developed identity (Bury; Charmaz; Leventhal et al.). With their diagnosis, adolescents and young adults face a double challenge: they have to cope with the typical developmental changes of this age group and they have to negotiate these changes against the background of a life-threatening illness (Makros and McCabe; Zebrack and Isaacso). Miller shows three levels of identity for young cancer patients (pre-cancer identity, patient identity, and post-cancer identity), which are used regularly and flexibly by those affected in their interaction with the social network in order to maintain relationships and to minimise communicative misunderstandings. Moreover, the negotiation of the self within the social network and its expectations, especially towards convalescent people, can lead to paradoxical situations and identities of young people with cancer (Jones et al.). Although therapeutic measures are completed and patients may be discharged as cured, physical, cognitive, and emotional challenges with regard to the illness (e.g. fatigue, loss of performance, difficulty concentrating) still have to be overcome. These challenges, despite recovery, cause those affected to feel they still belong to a cancer group which they have actually largely outgrown medically and therapeutically, and also continually remind them of their present difference from the healthy peer group. To minimise these differences, narratives are the means for those affected to negotiate their new illness-related identity with their network (Hyde). These processes can be digitally transformed on blogs or to age-appropriate social network sites (SNS), which enable users to record and communicate experiences and emotions in an uncomplicated, situational manner and with fewer inhibitions (Kim and Gilham). Cancer contents on SNS are called autopathography and can serve as a means of self-expression, whilst at the same time stimulating communication and networking and thus significantly influencing identity and identity development in the chronic disease process (Rettberg; Ressler et al.; Abrol et al.; Stage). The possibility of recording and archiving private moments in a digital environment through photos and texts creates a visual diary. Here, illness recordings are not just motifs, but also part of an identity process by accepting the self as being ill (Nesby and Salamonsen; Tembeck). Instagram-Exclusive Positivity Instagram is the most popular social media network amongst 14-29 year olds in Germany (Beisch et al.). It presents itself as a highly visual structured platform. Furthermore, both posts and stories are dominated by content with innocuous motifs (Hu et al.). Additionally, the visual culture on Instagram is supported by integrated image optimisations such as filters and therefore often associated with high aesthetic standards (Waterloo et al.). This encourages the exchange of idealised self-presenting and self-advertising content (Lee et al.; Lup et al.; Sheldon and Bryant). The positive tone of the shared motifs and captions can also be explained by larger, sometimes anonymous networks on Instagram. The principle of non-reciprocal following of public accounts increasingly creates weak ties, which can additionally encourage the sharing of positively connoted content due to the anonymity (Lin et al.; Waterloo et al.). The posting of negative moods or image motifs to anonymous followers does not seem to be socially standardised, due to the associated intimate thoughts and feelings (Bazarova). In addition, users are aware of the public framework in which they address intimate topics and discourses (Bazarova and Choi). Internal platform standards and technical possibilities thus create a particular posting culture: an environment that is—due to its strong visual-aesthetic structure and anonymous follower-based networks—almost exclusively positive. However, these assumptions and findings are based on a general posting culture, which is usually not focussed on niche topics like cancer. Previous studies show that SNS are used for exchange and networking, especially by young cancer patients (Chou and Moskowitz; Perales et al.). Studies from online SNS disease-related self-help groups show that weak ties in illness situations are considered beneficial when it comes to self-disclosure, seeking help, and support (Wright et al.; Love et al.; Donovan et al.). In addition, Instagram is part of the so-called “vital media” (Stage et al.), which means it is very important for young cancer patients to share cancer-related material. But despite these research findings less is known about the content shared by German-speaking bloggers who have visible cancer references in their Instagram biography. Do they include a serious, even life-threatening illness on a platform that actually stands for positivity, or do they follow the invisible platform regulations in their posted content and statements and exclude it by themselves? The specific objectives of this explorative study were (a) to obtain a descriptive analysis of the manner in which cancer bloggers post content on Instagram, and (b) to determine the extent to which most applied practices exclude the posting of certain negatively connoted motives and emotions associated with cancer. Methodology For the study, 142 German-speaking cancer bloggers (14–39 years of age) with public accounts and visible cancer references in their biography were researched on Instagram. The sample was divided into posts (7,553) and stories (4,117). The content was examined using a standardised content analysis and a code book with relevant categories (motifs, body presences, emotions, captions, emojis; ICR Cronbach’s alpha = 0.85). Measured by the value of the content posted, the story users, at 23 years of age, were comparatively much younger than the post users, at 30 years of age. The sample was predominantly female in both posts (81%) and stories (99%). The most common form of cancer was breast cancer (posts: 28%; stories: 29%), followed by brain tumors (posts: 19%; stories: 16%) and leukaemia (posts: 4%; stories: 19%). Most content was shared by people who were actively involved in treatment – 46% of posts and 54% of stories. Completed treatments were more common in posts (39%) than in stories (19%). At the time of data collection, the Instagram entries were explicitly open to the public, and no registration was required. The content, not the individual, was analysed to minimise the risk for the bloggers and to prevent them from violations of privacy and autonomy by third parties. Furthermore, the entries were assigned unidentifiable numbers to ensure that no tracing is possible (Franzke et al.). Results The sample consists of public cancer blogger accounts who document everyday experiences for their network in images and videos. The following results are shown for posts (P) and stories (S). Motifs and Bodies Looking at the evaluation of the image motifs, the selfie predominates both in posts, with 20.7 per cent, and stories, with 32.8 per cent. Other popular photo motifs are pictures of food (P: 10.2%; S: 11.0%), activities (P: 7.2%; S: 7.7%), landscapes (P: 6.3%; S: 7.1%), and of/with family and friends (P: 12.5%; S: 6.0%). Photos in medical or clinical settings are rare, with one per cent in the posts and three per cent in the stories. Looking at the bodies and faces displayed, a comparatively normal to positive image of the bloggers that were studied can be observed. Most of the people in the posts present themselves with hair (81.3%), wear make-up (53.3%) and smile at the camera (64.1%). A similar trend can also be seen in the stories. Here 63.8 per cent present themselves with hair, 62.7 per cent with make-up and 55.3 per cent with happy facial expressions. In contrast, scars (P: 1.6%; S: 4.4%) or amputations (P: 0.2%; S: 0.1%) are hardly ever shown. Thus, possible therapy-accompanying symptoms, such as alopecia, ports for chemotherapy, or amputations (e.g. mastectomy in the case of breast cancer) are rarely or hardly ever made visible by cancer bloggers. Captions, Hashtags, and Emojis Similar to the motifs, everyday themes dominate in the captions of the images, such as the description of activities (P: 23.2%; S: 18.0%), food (P: 8.2%; S: 9.3%), or beauty/fashion (P: 6.2%; S: 10.2%). However, information on the current health status of the person affected can be found under every tenth photo, both in the stories and in the posts. Hashtags are mainly found amongst the posts with 81.5 per cent. In keeping with the caption, normal themes were also chosen here, divided into the categories of activities (17.7%), beauty/fashion (7.6%), food (5.8%), and family/friends (4.8%). Illness-specific hashtags (e.g. #cancer, #survivor, or #chemo) were chosen in 15.6 per cent. In addition, the cancer bloggers in this study used emojis in 74 per cent of their posts. In the stories, however, only 28.2 per cent of the content was tagged with emojis. The most common category is smileys & people (P: 46.8%; S: 52.8%), followed by symbols (e.g. hearts, ribbons) (P: 21.1%; S: 26.5%), and animals & nature (P: 17.0%; S: 14.2%). Emotions In captions, hashtags and emojis, emotions were divided into positive (e.g. joy, fighting spirit), neutral (e.g. simple narration of the experience), and negative (e.g. fear, anger). It is noticeable that in all three categories predominantly and significantly positive or neutral words and images were used to describe emotional states or experiences. In the case of captions, 40.4 per cent of the posts and 43.9 per cent of the stories could be classified as positive. For the hashtags, the values were 18.7 per cent (P) and 43 per cent (S), and for the emojis 60 per cent (P) and 65.7 per cent (S). In contrast, there were hardly any negative moods (captions P: 5.7%, S: 5.8%; hashtags P: 4.4%, S: 0.7%; emojis P: 8.7%, S: 6.4%). Although the disease status (e.g. active in therapy or completed) had less impact on emotional messages, a significant connection with the applied thematic areas could be observed. Thus, it is apparent that medical and/or therapeutic aspects tend to be described with positive and negative words and hashtags, e.g. the current health status (χ²(3) = 795.44, p =.000, φ = 0.346) or the topics of illness/health via hashtag (χ²(3) = 797.67, p =.000, φ = 0.361). Topics such as food (χ²(3) = 20.49, p =.000, φ = 0.056) or beauty/fashion (χ²(3) = 51.52, p =.000, φ = 0.092) are recognisably more impersonal from an emotional perspective. Discussion A Digital Identity Paradox Drugs, chemotherapy, setbacks, physical impairments, or anxiety are issues that usually accompany cancer patients during treatment and also in remission. Looking at the content posted by German-speaking cancer bloggers on Instagram, illness-related images and words are comparatively rare. The bloggers show their normal, mostly cancer-free world, in which negative and illness-related content does not seem to fit. Although they clearly draw attention to their illness through their biography, this is not or only rarely addressed. Therefore, it can be stated that cancer as a topic is excluded by choice by the bloggers examined. Neither motifs, captions, nor hashtags make the illness visible. This seems paradoxical because the content and biography appear to contradict each other. And yet, the content studied only shows what Jones et al. and Miller have already described: their identity paradox, or multiple identities. The digital acceptance of one's own illness and solidarity with (anonymous) fellow sufferers is clearly given through the disclosure in the biography, but yet a normal and healthy online ego—comparable to the peer group and equal to their own illness identity—is aspired to. It seems as if those affected have to switch their identity back and forth. The awareness that they are already different in real life (in this case, ill) encourages the users examined to show a normal, age-appropriate life—at least online, which is why we speak of an identity paradox 2.0. Based on our data, the obvious otherness of being ill—and in this context the potential higher risk of digital ostracism effects (Greer and Jewkes; Timeo et al.)—can be a reason for self-exclusion of the cancer topic, in order not to be excluded by a healthy peer. The Standard Creates the Content The positive tone that can be found in almost every second post can be explained by the platform standards and practices themselves (Waterloo et al.). Thus, smiling faces in a public environment correspond more to this than sadness, anger, or despair. Although disease-related topics in captions are also provided with negatively connoted language, they do not have a determining influence on the public self-image of the blogger and their life and the illness. The strong visual culture on Instagram does not leave much scope for "other", perhaps more authentic serious content. The fact that published content has the potential to talk about cancer and to make one’s own experience with the disease transparent is proven by blogs (Kim and Gilham). Instagram does not currently seem to be particularly suitable for public profiles to make serious illness narratives about cancer. Conclusion It remains to be noted that public cancer blogs attempt to include a serious topic on Instagram. But with regard to the data, we can see a form of (maybe unconsciously) self-chosen exclusion of illness narratives. The reasons might vary. On the one hand, cancer bloggers want to belong to a healthy peer group, and expressing a visible otherness would exclude them. Therefore, they try to reduce the higher risk potential of ostracism effects. On the other hand, internal Instagram regulations and standards create an environment which can strengthen the bloggers' posting behaviours: young people, especially, post life-affirming and life-related content. This also helps them to cope with crisis situations and to avoid being dominated by a life-threatening disease. Further research on cancer on Instagram is needed to determine to what extent this is desired, and whether an awareness of this paradox exists or develops intuitively. 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